metaphorik.de 30/2020

Focus: 

Metaphor and Gender

Herausgeberteam – Editorial Staff – Équipe éditoriale
Anke Beger / Martin Döring / Olaf Jäkel / Katrin Mutz /
Dietmar Osthus / Claudia Polzin-Haumann / Natascha Ueckmann / Judith Visser
ISSN 1618-2006 (Internet)
ISSN 1865-0716 (Print)

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Vorwort / Preface

Redaktion

Vorwort

(
jump to English)

Kaum eine andere Thematik hat in den letzten Jahren und Jahrzehnten für die Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften so viele innovative Ansätze geliefert wie die Gender-Forschung, die heute im Sinne der Intersektionalitätsforschung auch verschiedene Diskriminierungsformen wie Rassismus, Sexismus oder Klassenzugehörigkeit in den Blick nimmt.
Fragen der stereotypen oder allegorischen Darstellung, der sprachlichen, medialen und literarischen Konstruktion von Geschlechtskategorien sind insbesondere durch feministische Ansätze in das Zentrum der kulturwissenschaftlichen Diskussionen gerückt.
Deutlich wird in den Gender-Studien darüber hinaus, dass geschlechtliche Identität in vielen Fällen ein soziales Konstrukt darstellt, das nicht zuletzt auf sprachlich sowie kulturell vermittelten Konzepten beruht. Durch diesen Zusammenhang ergeben sich zahlreiche Schnittpunkte mit dem Bereich der Metaphorik und Metonymie, deren Erforschung und Beschreibung Kernziel von metaphorik.de ist: Worin liegen die metaphorischen Dimensionen genderbezogener Identitätskonstruktionen? Gibt es so etwas wie eine spezifische Metaphorik zur Beschreibung geschlechtlicher Stereotypen? Gibt es sogar einen genderspezifischen Metapherngebrauch? Dies waren u.a. Leitfragen des Call for Papers, der diesem Band vorausging.

Der nun vorliegende Themenband von metaphorik.de versammelt verschiedene Beiträge, die nach dem thematischen Aufruf eingegangen sind. Wir sind sehr erfreut über die gute Resonanz, die andeutet, dass die Thematik offensichtlich eine hohe Relevanz besitzt.

Der Band beginnt mit Marina Bletsas‘ Beitrag, der zeigt, dass die sprichwörtlich sprichwörtliche Konstruktion von Weiblichkeit in französischen und italienischen Phraseologismen auf langwährenden kulturellen Überzeugungen beruht.
Francesca Capacchietti untersucht auf der Basis eines französischsprachigen Korpus die Frage, in welchem Rahmen weibliche Influencerinnen in der Darstellung sportlicher Aktivitäten eine spezifische
Metaphorik nutzen. Welche Eigenschaften werden hier metaphorisch mit Weiblichkeit assoziiert?
Jennifer Henke betrachtet japanische Comic- bzw. Manga-Adaptationen einzelner Shakespeare-Dramen und analysiert die grafischen Visualisierungen genderbezogener Metaphern. Deutlich wird hier das Potenzial umfassender semiotischer Studien, die Sprache, Sprachbilder und Verbildlichungen miteinander in Bezug setzen.
Suneeta Mishra wirft in ihrer Studie zum politischen Diskurs Indiens die Frage nach dem Verhältnis zwischen grammatikalischem Genus im Hindi und der metaphorisch gestützten Gender-Identität auf. In welchem Maße bedingt das grammatikalische Genus eines als Bildspender eingesetzten Substantivs sein Potenzial zur Projektion auf personenbasierte Bildempfänger?
Annegret Richter geht schließlich in ihrem literaturwissenschaftlichen Beitrag entlang eines Werkes der franko-algerischen Literatur der metaphorischen Konstruktion von Geschlechtlichkeit in Verbindung mit Raewyn Connells Konzept der hegemonialen Männlichkeit nach. Die hier veröffentlichten Studien zeugen von der Diversität, Aktualität und Relevanz der Fragestellungen im Zusammenspiel von Metaphorik und Gender.
In einer weiteren außerhalb des Themenschwerpunktes angesiedelten Studie untersucht Hanna Bruns metaphorischen Sprachgebrauch in internen Diskussionen der rechtspopulistischen Alternative für Deutschland. Dabei geht sie der Frage nach, in welchem Rahmen hier metaphorische Konzepte aktiviert werden, die bereits im Nationalsozialismus beliebt waren.

Wir hoffen auf ein vielfältiges Interesse an diesem Schwerpunktband und sind überzeugt, dass die vorliegenden Analysen Anregungen für weitere Forschungen bieten. Bedanken möchten wir uns für die Erstellung der Layout-Vorlagen bei Marisa Sieberg (Essen) und vor allem Kerstin Sterkel und Vera Neusius (Saarbrücken). Dem Wehrhahn-Verlag gebührt Dank für die Erstellung der gedruckten Ausgabe und Bernd Backhaus (Bochum) für die technische Unterstützung der online-Version.


Bochum, Bremen, Essen, Flensburg, Halle, Hamburg und Saarbrücken im Juli 2020

Anke Beger
Martin Döring
Olaf Jäkel
Katrin Mutz
Dietmar Osthus
Claudia Polzin-Haumann
Natascha Ueckmann
Judith Visser



Preface

You would be hard-pressed to find a field in recent years and decades that has provided humanities and social sciences with more innovative approaches than gender studies. Modern gender studies take an intersectional approach and also scrutinise many other forms of discrimination, such as racism, sexism or classism. Largely because of feminist approaches, cultural sciences have come to focus on questions about stereotypical or allegorical representations as well as about linguistic, medial and literary construction of gender categories.
Furthermore, gender studies have brought to light that gender identity is in many cases a social construct that is in no small part based on linguistically and culturally transmitted concepts. Inherent to this connection are numerous overlaps with the field of metaphor and metonymy – the research and description of which is the main objective of metaphorik.de.
What are the metaphorical dimensions of gender-based identity constructs? Is there something like a specific realm of metaphor used to describe gender stereotypes?
Might there even be a gender-specific use of metaphor? These were the central questions posed in the call for papers preceding this issue.

The metaphorik.de issue you are reading is dedicated to the topic of gender and compiles various articles submitted after our call for papers. We are very pleased at the many submissions, which are a sign of how relevant this topic
must be.

This issue’s first article is written by Marina Bletsas, who shows that the metaphorical construction of femininity in French and Italian phraseologies literally builds on deep-rooted cultural beliefs. Using a French corpus,
Francesca Capacchietti then discusses to which extent female influencers use specific metaphors when representing athletic activities. Which traits are being metaphorically associated with femininity?
Jennifer Henke looks at Japanese comic and manga adaptations of a number of Shakespeare plays and analyses how gender-related metaphors are visualised in the images. Her study clearly
demonstrates the untapped potential of comprehensive semiotics research that ties together language, metaphor and their representation in images.
Suneeta Mishra follows with a study of the political discourse in India, in which she investigates the relationship between grammatical gender in Hindi and gender identity, which is reinforced by metaphor. How far does the grammatical gender of the source noun condition its potential to be projected onto a human target?
Finally, Annegret Richter’s article has a literary topic. She studies the metaphorical construction of gender in connection with Raewyn Connells’ concept of hegemonic masculinity in a French-Algerian work of literature. The studies published in this issue are testament to the diversity, topicality and relevance of research questions at the interface of metaphor and gender.
In a further study outside the thematic focus, Hanna Bruns examines the metaphorical use of language in internal discussions of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany). In doing so, she examines the question of the extent to which metaphorical concepts that were already popular under National Socialism are activated here.

We hope that many will find this special issue interesting and are convinced that the analyses it contains will spark much further research. We would like to thank Marisa Sieberg (Essen) and, in particular, Kerstin Sterkel and Vera Neusius (Saarbrücken), for designing the layout templates. Our thanks to the Wehrhahn-Verlag for the print issue and to Bernd Backhaus (Bochum) for his technical support with the online version.

Bochum, Bremen, Essen, Flensburg, Halle, Hamburg and Saarbrücken in July 2020

Anke Beger
Martin Döring
Olaf Jäkel
Katrin Mutz
Dietmar Osthus
Claudia Polzin-Haumann
Natascha Ueckmann
Judith Visser
 

Ausgabe: 

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Seite 7

Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs. A study on Italian and French

Marina Bletsas

Karl-Franzens-Universität-Graz (marina.bletsas@uni-graz.at)

Abstract

In this contribution, I aim at reconstructing and categorizing the recurrent gendered metaphors for WOMAN in Italian and French proverbs against the backdrop of Cognitive Metaphor Theory (CMT). After focusing on the particular interplay of metaphors and the
paremiological text genre, chosen as a means of gaining insight into diachronically longstanding cultural beliefs, I propose the use of a bottom-up method to address cultural conceptual metaphors about WOMAN. Finally, I address analogies and differences in the metaphorical patterns involved in the construction of gender in Italian and French proverbs.

Der Beitrag will in italienischen und französischen Sprichwörtern rekurrierende Metaphern für das Konzept FRAU vor dem Hintergrund der kognitiven Metapherntheorie analysieren.
Die parämiologische Textsorte gilt als privilegierte Brille, um Einsichten in diachron langwährende kulturelle Überzeugungen zu gewinnen. Der Fokus wird zunächst auf das Verhältnis von Metapher und Sprichwort gelegt, bevor die Rekonstruktion und Kategorisierung kultureller konzeptueller Metaphern für Frauen bottom-up angegangen wird. Analogien und Unterschiede metaphorischer Muster, die in italienischen und französischen Sprichwörtern zur gender-Konstruktion beitragen, werden schließlich aus kontrastiver Perspektive beleuchtet.

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Seite 11

Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs. A study on Italian and French
Marina Bletsas, Karl-Franzens-Universität-Graz (marina.bletsas@uni-graz.at)

Abstract
In this contribution, I aim at reconstructing and categorizing the recurrent gendered
metaphors for WOMAN in Italian and French proverbs against the backdrop of Cognitive
Metaphor Theory (CMT). After focusing on the particular interplay of metaphors and the
paremiological text genre, chosen as a means of gaining insight into diachronically longstanding
cultural beliefs, I propose the use of a bottom-up method to address cultural
conceptual metaphors about WOMAN. Finally, I address analogies and differences in the
metaphorical patterns involved in the construction of gender in Italian and French proverbs.
Der Beitrag will in italienischen und französischen Sprichwörtern rekurrierende Metaphern
für das Konzept FRAU vor dem Hintergrund der kognitiven Metapherntheorie analysieren.
Die parämiologische Textsorte gilt als privilegierte Brille, um Einsichten in diachron
langwährende kulturelle Überzeugungen zu gewinnen. Der Fokus wird zunächst auf das
Verhältnis von Metapher und Sprichwort gelegt, bevor die Rekonstruktion und Kategorisierung
kultureller konzeptueller Metaphern für Frauen bottom-up angegangen wird.
Analogien und Unterschiede metaphorischer Muster, die in italienischen und französischen
Sprichwörtern zur gender-Konstruktion beitragen, werden schließlich aus kontrastiver
Perspektive beleuchtet.

1. Introduction
This paper deals with the metaphorical conceptualization of the female gender
in Italian and French proverbs. In other words, I ask what conceptual
metaphors emerge from the linguistic material constituted by Italian and
French proverbs on women, i.e. what source domain or domains are used to
reason about women in the proverbs of these two Romance languages. The
perspective is thus onomasiological at first, in that it takes the concept WOMAN
as a starting point to look for the linguistic expressions suggesting a metaphorical
construction of the concept. It then becomes semasiological, as we
turn to modelling the abstract conceptual metaphors behind their linguistic
vestments.
Drawing on Cognitive1 Metaphor Theory (see Lakoff/Johnson 22003 [1980]), I
distinguish between metaphorical expressions, to be found on the linguistic
surface, and conceptual metaphors, defined as the use of “inference patterns
from one conceptual domain to reason about another conceptual domain”
(Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 246). This linking between the two conceptual domains,
source and target domain respectively, gives rise to metaphorical mappings,
i.e. to systematic cross-domain correspondences (cf. Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 246)
that permeate and inform our thoughts and speech.
As a cognitive instrument, metaphor is thus universal. This does not mean that
any specific conceptual metaphor is necessarily universal. We can differentiate
between primary metaphors, grounded in universal human experiences, and
culturally specific metaphors which can be highly complex, drawing on
primary metaphors and/or other culturally specific ones (cf. Lakoff/Johnson
2003: 257).2 For instance, the cognitive metaphor AFFECTION IS WARMTH can be
traced back to the bodily experience of the heat perceived when involved in
the display of affection implied in being held (cf. Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 255).
As opposed to such a metaphorical source, the conceptualization of the divine
in terms of father is specific e.g. to the occidental patriarchal tradition, as
testified by alternatives such as extant female conceptualizations of the divine
in Sisterhood-of-Avalon-paganism. What does appear to be universal is the
indispensability of metaphor in such an abstract domain as that of the divine:
it is a concept, just like that of love or time – or gender –, which we can hardly
speak about except through the use of metaphor. The specific metaphor we
use, however, is culture-bound.
This means that metaphors are not, as the classical rhetorical view will have it,
based on similarity of any factual kind. If this were the case, there would
hardly be such a wide variety in the choice of source domain for one and the
same target. Rather, metaphors are based “on cross-domain correlations in our
experience, which give rise to […] perceived similarities between the two
1 It should be noted that cognitive is here used in a broad sense, referring to patterns of
thought involving the body, emotion, cognition, actions and cultural background knowledge
(cf. Schmitt 2017: 38).
2 On the issue of universality vs. cultural specificity of metaphors, see esp. Kövecses (2005).
domains within the metaphors” (Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 245, my emphasis).3
The conceptual metaphor itself, therefore, is not a factual entity to be
discovered, but an abstract pattern gleaned from the linguistic expressions at
hand; the fruit of a hermeneutic reconstruction (cf. Schmitt 2017: 89–94).4
This hermeneutic reconstruction is here to be applied to the conceptualization
of WOMAN. Studies on gendered metaphors, i.e. metaphors generally
attributed to a gender (cf. Hegstrom/McCarl-Nielsen 2002: 220) specifically
focussing on women, are not new to cognitive linguistics. Variations of the
conceptual metaphor WOMEN ARE FOOD have been studied for English (cf.
Hines 1999b; Hegstrom/McCarl-Nielsen 2002; Kövecses 2006) and Spanish (cf.
Gutiérrez-Rivas 2011). It has also been shown that women are conceptualized
as things and as animals in English (cf. Nilsen 1996; Hines 1999a; Kövecses
2006; López Rodríguez 2009) and the animal metaphor is attested for French
and Italian, too (cf. Baider/Gesuato 2003). Despite these findings, the subject is
still oddly understudied, especially since the argument has been made that
“gendered metaphorical expressions actually reproduce the patriarchal
culture” (Montashery 2013: 107). With this in mind, I turn to proverbs, a text
genre that feeds both off metaphoricity and historical replication and which
has not, to my knowledge, been analysed from the perspective of gender
construction, especially in the languages I focus on here.5
The cognitive metaphor approach, on the other hand, has already been
applied to the study of proverbs – explicitly by Gibbs/Beitel (2003), who focus
proverb understanding, and implicitly by Lakoff/Turner (1989). The latter
embed proverb analysis in the broader frame of CMT, suggesting that proverb
3 This in turn depends on a philosophical premise of CMT which rejects the objectivist
paradigm (see Lakoff 1987).
4 This useful theoretical clarification is offered as a means of avoiding what Schmitt calls
the scientism fallacy of CMT. In fact, (metaphorical) expressions used by Lakoff & Johnson
in relation to conceptual metaphors, such as discover, are infelicitous in that they imply the
finding of a truth in an objectivist sense. However, it is important to stress that the American
authors themselves do not ascribe to such a Weltanschauung, as pointed out above (see
footnote 2).
5 Kerschen (1998) and Storm (1992) have authored reference works of American English
and Japanese proverbs about women respectively. While their categorizations of the indexed
proverbs relate to the findings of the present paper, there is much to be gained from
applying the cognitive perspective.
metaphors are based, among other things, on the great-chain-of-being-system,
i.e. the hierarchical order implicitly shared in Western societies that places
humans at the top and natural physical things at the bottom (cf. Lakoff/
Turner 1989: 170–171). Despite incidentally mentioning internal categorizations
of the human level of the system (cf. Lakoff/Turner 1989: 209), the
elaboration of this chain of power strikingly misses a ring: WOMAN. Using the
so-called generic masculine in reference to humans, Lakoff/Turner’s account
indeed fails to really focus on the place reserved to WOMAN in the chain by
proverb metaphors, which is clearly lower than that attributed to MAN.6 What
is more, none of these studies focus on the relevance of the diachronic dimension
in the metaphoricity of proverbs.
2. Metaphoricity of Proverbs and Diachronic Relevance
Paremiology offers only little help in addressing our questions. Over fifty
definitions of proverb were counted by Mieder back in 1985, and there have
been many other characterisations since.7 The more recent ones highlight
fixedness (Gibbs/Beitel 2003: 111–112; Mieder 2007; Harnisch 2003: 164; Hallik
2007: 35; Steyer 2012a: 311) and syntactic independence (Gibbs/Beitel 2003:
111–112; Harnisch 2003: 64; Steyer 2012a: 311), attributing to proverbs a
generally shared deontic content with a directive force (Gibbs/Beitel 2003:
111–112; Harnisch 2003: 164; Mieder 2007) and/or an epistemic content
(Gibbs/Beitel 2003: 111–112; Harnisch 2003: 164) with a descriptive, if not
explanatory force in a given situation.8 At the core of most paremiological
definitions and characterizations, whether they be structural-semantic,
6 In American English proverbs as well as in Romance ones, as even a cursory glance at
Kerschen’s collection (1998) easily shows.
7 While giving necessary and sufficient conditions for the definition of proverb has proven
difficult, the evolution of the term at least can easily be retraced: starting out from the Latin
proverbium, literally “fore-word”, the term makes its way into modern European languages
(Engl. proverb, Frz. proverbe, Ital. proverbio, Rus. pogovoka) thanks to Bible translations and
especially via the Old French form proverbe (cf. Riedel 2014: 11).
8 Recognizing that no single constellation of these traits is necessary and sufficient in
defining a proverb, one can side with Harnish (2003) and Gibbs/Beitel (2003), who instead
characterize proverbs using the notion of prototype. This approach is useful for its flexibility,
however their account highlights traits such as literarity and formal figures of speech typical
of literary genres, which are arguably not the most central to defining proverbs per se.
functional-pragmatic or cognitive, there is an unfortunate lack of a focus on
proverb metaphoricity. This is all the more conspicuous since the association
of metaphor and proverb dates back at least to Aristotle (Rhet. III, 11, 1413a,
17), who understands proverbs as meta-phors, i.e. transfers of one species onto
another. In relatively recent years, some scholars have contemplated proverb
metaphoricity as only contingent (Röhrich 2000; Steyer 2012b: 7), albeit typical
(Gibbs/Beitel 2003: 116; Lapucci 2006: XXVII). Even the cognitivist paremiologist
Honeck (1997) views metaphor as only one among many tropes
occurring in proverbs; with his distinction between similes and metaphors, he
reveals a quite traditional grasp of the concept. Seitel (1981) and Geary (2012)
do take a more radical approach, but still remain within the boundaries of
classical metaphor view.
Of course, from a cognitive linguistics perspective, it could be argued that it is
almost redundant to state the metaphoricity of proverbs, given the omnipresence
of metaphor in discourse. To put it in Gibbs/Beitel’s words, proverbs’
“communicative functions rest on the primacy of metaphor in the ways
people ordinarily think” (2003: 152). Thus, we could simply take proverbs as a
text genre – as any other text genre – to study conceptual metaphors. This
might indeed be true. However, we should not fail to consider the specificity
of the interaction between conceptual metaphor and proverb – thus, of the
importance of studying the conceptual metaphors displayed by proverbs for a
given target domain. For what is all but banal is the semantic crystallisation of
the metaphors we can ferret out from this text genre – and the cultural insights
this allows.
The cultural relevance of proverbs per se need hardly be argued. They are
repositories of “attitudes or worldview (mentality) of various social classes at
different periods” (Mieder 2007: 401), loaded as they are with cultural
symbology (cf. Steyer 2012b: 8). But I believe their key role in identifying
metaphors specific to a culture has not been stressed enough so far. In fact, the
linguistic crystallisation of an established folk belief relying on a metaphor in
the cognitive sense must draw on a diachronically recurrent metaphor, i.e. on
a conceptual metaphor. In other words, if a metaphor can be obtained from a
fixed text like that of a proverb, that is probably good prima facie evidence that
it is well represented among a given linguistic and cultural community, and
has probably dressed itself in a variety of linguistic garments in everyday
language. In this sense, the study of proverbs holds not only a general historic
and social interest (cf. Bierbach 1995: 269) but is also of the utmost importance
for the diachrony of a given concept. Even an author like Gibbs, who has
worked extensively, from a cognitive-psychological perspective, on metaphors,
and specifically on proverb metaphoricity (Gibbs/Beitel 2003), acknowledging
as early as two decades ago the “culturally embodied nature of what
is cognitive” (Gibbs 1999: 162), has hardly dealt with this point. I thus suggest
viewing the proverbial text as a goldmine of conceptual metaphors ingrained
in a specific discourse tradition, understood as the discourse regularities
producing speech act patterns and text genres that are grounded in a historic
dimension (cf. Koch 1997: 46). Proverbs, in other words, serve as a kind of
funnel for what can be called cultural conceptual metaphors thanks to the metaphoricity
of thought and language – and, thus, of the proverb itself – on the
one hand, and to their diachronic crystallisation on the other hand (see Fig. 1).
Fig. 1: Paremiological Funnel for Cultural Conceptual Metaphors
If this is the case, then, embracing a contrastive perspective in the linguistic
study of proverb metaphors should prove particularly revealing and rewarding
in at least two respects. The most obvious one is certainly the
comparison of cultural conceptual metaphors. But there is also something else,
perhaps something more, to be gained. By reconstructing and comparing the
cultural conceptual metaphors used for a target in different languages, we can
begin to trace the borders of their discourse tradition. For a discourse tradition
Cultural Conceptual Metaphor
Diachronic
Crystallisation
Metaphor
can coincide with, but is by no means bound to the extension of an idiom (cf.
Koch 1997: 46).
3. Studying Gendered Metaphors in Italian and French Proverbs
Hardly any other concept has been the object of such prolific proverb coining
as WOMAN (cf. Lapucci 2006: 343).9 There are 280 Italian proverbs on WOMAN
in Lappucci’s dictionary alone, which collects proverbs of common usage in
Italian (cf. Lapucci 2006: XXV). Similarly, 168 French proverbs on WOMAN
could be gleaned from multiple French paremiographic collections (Pineaux
1967; Dournon 1986; Montreynaud et al. 2002). These will be the subject of my
analysis in what follows. Specifically, I analyse the metaphors whose target
domain is that of WOMAN, i.e. sayings that describe or comment on women or
instruct (men) about the norm of conduct around women.10
Having established the target domain WOMAN and the proverb corpus, the
core of the work lies in the systematic analysis of a group of examples. In
Schmitt’s refined bottom-up methodology for the analysis of conceptual
metaphor (cf. 2017: 456–528),11 this first involves the identification of
9 According to Contini (1960: 521), the anonymous paremiographic work Proverbia quae
dicuntur super natura feminarum is the first misogynistic text in Vulgar Italian, in turn inspired
by a French one. Proverb production on women in these languages must then be dated back
to well before the 12th century. On the other hand, it has been pointed out that “there is not a
similar set of sayings about men, since everything is observed from their point of view”
(Kerschen 1998: 6).
10 Any proverb about women employing a female entity as a source domain or displaying
only conceptual metaphors unrelated to women is not taken into consideration.
11 Developed in and for social sciences, Schmitt’s qualitative metaphor analysis is, to my
knowledge, the one attempt to provide a systematic, repeatable bottom-up method based on
CMT. Not only does this qualitative metaphor analysis make up for CMT’s lack of explicit
method, but it also provides the basis for incrementing bottom-up studies, which are still not
all too common in the literature. CMT, in fact, was not born from the empirical study of
natural language corpora, but from introspection and the linguist’s and speaker’s intuition.
The operationalization of Schmitt’s method comprises the following steps relevant for a
linguistic study: identification of target domain, unsystematic, broad-based collection of
background metaphors and self-analysis, sampling (i.e. corpus definition), systematic
analysis of a sub-group, heuristic interpretation (see Schmitt 2017: 458–518). A word should
perhaps be spent on the second, less obvious step, the collection of background metaphors.
Schmitt explains: „Um die kulturell übliche Metaphorisierung eines Themas zu erfassen,
wird ein Horizont von möglichen Metaphernfeldern zu den Zielbereichen aus heterogenen
Materialien gesammelt“ (2017: 457). This in principle poses a circularity problem: if the
metaphorical expressions, including what classical rhetoric views as similes,
through deconstructive segmentation of the texts. Secondly, the reconstruction
of conceptual metaphors, i.e. the synthesis of collective metaphorical models
must be carried out. These two sub-steps are clearly the crucial ones from a
linguistic point of view. Accordingly, we can find some criteria for how this
analysis should be carried out in the linguistic literature, too. For instance,
Hines (cf. 1999b: 149), who analyses WOMEN AS DESSERT in the CMT frame,
asks that a metaphorical expression have a nonmetaphorical, referential sense,
to be considered central to a conceptual metaphor. However, the need for a
metaphorical expression to be referential seems altogether questionable. If I
say Women have nine lives, I am neither denoting cats nor am I availing myself
of the cat concept to directly designate another extralinguistic entity; but there
still is an underlying conceptual metaphor that allows us to characterise
WOMAN by projecting a trait attributed to cats onto them. According to
Lakoff/Johnson (cf. 2003 [1980]: 36–37) the centrality of the referential function
is, in fact, the very thing that distinguishes metonymy from metaphor.12
The reconstruction of conceptual metaphors, comprising decisions about the
broadness of conceptual metaphor formulation, is a heuristic process that
resists precise operationalization – if we are not to entirely clip the wings of
the humanities. The material at hand, filtered through the analyst’s eyes, is
intended to lead to a meaningful categorisation and formulation of the proverb
metaphors. What seems to be shared and accepted in the literature is that
a claim that something is a conceptual metaphor ought to be grounded on
ambition of a high degree of method controlling is upheld for this step, the research risks to
be stranded in a never ending, as well as impossible, game. Anything else, i.e. anything
realistic, is of course inaccurate. The qualification of ‘unsystematic’ likely accounts for this
necessary methodological compromise without renouncing the revenue offered by
embedding the focused corpus in a broader setting, honouring the intertextual and cultural
web in which it is bound. Nonetheless, it is utopian to carry out this step for each and every
single paper on a target domain. The very intertextuality it entails and on which it builds,
however, makes it possible to equate such reconstruction of a comparative background with
a reference to the extant state of the art. At the same time, each further study can and should
be conceived as a tile in broadening the comparative base of metaphors for a given concept
for further analyses. This is all the more true of the present paper on gendered metaphors in
proverbs, for the diachronic nature of the genre I have already dwelled upon.
12 They both share the function of enabling understanding, but metonymy has a primary
referential function, which metaphor does not necessarily share.
recurrent metaphorical expressions. Given that proverbs occur multiply by
definition, this hardly poses an issue for our present purposes. Still, I shall
focus the exposition on the metaphors more represented in proverbs. I will
also assess the similarities and differences between the two set of proverbs –
corresponding to Schmitt’s heuristic interpretation step.
4. Metaphorical Patterns about WOMAN in Italian and French
Proverbs
Though the distribution of metaphoric expressions is different in Italian and
French proverbs, the most common ones in both languages allow the
formulation of two superordinate conceptual metaphors: WOMAN ARE
SUPERHUMAN and WOMAN ARE PROPERTY, with a few further subcategories.
The unidirectionality and metaphoricity of these mappings is given by the fact
that “one domain of knowledge is used to structure another, but not the
reverse” (cf. Gibbs/Beitel 2003: 116). Even when the traits selected from the
source domain are themselves the result of metaphorical personification, they
are not drawn from a gendered source like the target domain they are used to
structure. Before taking a closer look at them, a few lines should be spent on
the linguistic means employed to instantiate these metaphors.
The correspondences between the source domains and the target domain of
WOMAN that make out the conceptual metaphors are established by
associating the latter with a hyponym of the source domain. It is perhaps the
popular origin of the text genre that accounts for the simplicity of the way this
cognitive association is carried out. My findings in fact contradict Geary’s
observation (2012: 194) according to which “proverbs are all source and no
target”, as the linking mostly takes place rather explicitly by direct
identification of two noun phrases via copula (1)–(2) or through the metaphoric
markers come and comme, i.e. the preposition introducing the second
comparison element in an equality comparative (3)–(4). At times, the
identification is aided by parallelism, which sheds light on (perceived)
analogies between concepts or in elliptic predications where the copula or the
prepositional marker are omitted, but can easily be added (5)–(7).
(1) La donna è l’angelo della casa.
(2) Femmes sont à l’église saintes, ès rues anges, à la maison
diablesses.
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(3) La donna cambia come la luna.
(4) Les femmes sont comme les omelettes, elles ne sont jamais assez
battues.
(5) Donna iraconda [è un] mare senza sponda.
(6) Foi de femme [est] plume sur l’eau.
(7) Belle femme [est] mauvaise tête [comme] bonne mule [est]
mauvaise bête.
In (4) the trait perceived as common of the two associated domains is made
explicit: women, just as omelette eggs, need a good beating according to
popular wisdom. This is an extremely common strategy in proverbs, often
used when source and target domain are not explicitly equated, but rather
associated through accumulation. This is achieved linguistically either through
enumeration of phrases (9, 11) or through a single phrasal pair forming a dual
concept (8, 10). Taking the entity paired with WOMAN as metonymically
standing for the quality it is considered to hold, the pair can really be treated
as a hendiadys, which amounts to recognising the conceptual metaphor at
play, with the source acting as a qualifier of the target (e.g. donne bestiali
‘beastly women’ instead of donne e cavalli ‘women and horses’). What follows
can either be the predication of a trait perceived as common of the two
domains or the enunciation of the norm of conduct perceived as advisable
with both these entities, presupposing a trait perceived as common, which is
to be inferred, e.g. imperfection (8) or unreliability (9–11).
(8) Des femmes et des chevaux il n’y en a point sans défauts.
(9) Temps, ciel pommelé et femme fardée ne sont pas de longue durée.
(10) Il tempo e le donne hanno sempre fatto come gli pare.
(11) Donna, vento e ventura presto si mutano.
A common way of creating the association between target and source domain,
especially in Italian proverbs, is making the target the winner of an explicit or
implicit competitive comparison. This entails that WOMAN not only shares the
qualities of the entity with which she is set in a competitive relation but also
holds them in a particularly strong way. The hyperbole thus brings about an
identification. This pattern is most often displayed associating WOMAN with
DEVIL, with the apparent rivalry between the two abstract entities being
conveyed by morphosyntactic or lexical comparative.
(12) Le donne [la donna] ne sanno [ne sa] una più del diavolo.
(13) La donna piccola è più furba di due diavoli.
(14) La donna la fece anche al Diavolo.
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
21
(15) La donna, per piccola che sia, vince il diavolo per furberia.
(16) Femme sait un art avant le Diable.
Even when there is no clear identification of two referred elements, since an
opposition between the two is established, the mere comparison implied by
the contrast suggests that the two elements must be of the same kind. The
following proverb, e.g., maintains that time has a better effect on wine than
women:
(17) Vin qui vieillit s’améliore, femme vieille devient revêche.
At times, it is merely the syntactic and semantic parallelism of the action to be
performed upon the two elements compared that leads to equating them.
Below, the ability to purchase is to cattle and edibles as choosing is to women
(18) and both can be made (19):
(18) Chi sa comprare buoi e poponi sa scegliersi anche una donna.
(19) Cheval fait et femme à faire.
The identification is achieved to a great extent syntactically in the following
case, where quando has the sense of se in a conditional clause (realis):13
(20) Quando la donna vuole il diavolo l’aiuta.
The coincidence of will and action expressed here suggests namely a causal
correlation as in the simultaneity of deciding to perform a gesture and
carrying it out, and thus leads to cognitively associating the sources of the will
and of the action.
More rarely, WOMAN is equated to (a hyponym of) the source domain through
the projection of an attribute pertaining to the source:
(21) Le donne hanno il cervello di gallina.
This makes the metaphor slightly more implicit. The utmost degree of
implicitness is however achieved in few French proverbs, such as:
(22) Plus le bouc est bourru, plus la chèvre le lèche.
(23) Le ménage va mal quand la poule chante plus haut que le coq.
Here, the reference of the proverb to people, both part of common cultural
knowledge about the usage of the specific proverbs and a general
13 The same simultaneity is conveyed if we understand quando as an independent relative
pronoun, paraphrasable as nel momento in cui.
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characteristic of the genre (cf. Lakoff/Turner 1989: 166), is key in decoding the
metaphor. In the case of (23), ménage provides at least a hint to human society,
whereas in the case of (22), the correspondence of animal sex and human
gender necessary to understand which behavior is expected of WOMAN is to be
derived from the general human reference of proverbs.
4.1 WOMAN IS SUPERHUMAN
The first conceptual metaphor that can be reconstructed through analysis of
the material at hand is WOMAN IS SUPERHUMAN. From late Latin superhumanus,
‘above/beyond + human’, the abstract concept of the source can be derived by
the orientational metaphors HAVING CONTROL OR FORCE/HIGH STATUS/GOOD IS
UP (see Lakoff/Johnson 2003 [1980]: 15–16). The superhuman WOMAN as can
further be divided into SUPERNATURAL ENTITIES and NATURAL FORCES.
4.1.1 WOMAN IS A SUPERNATURAL ENTITY
A plethora of proverbs, especially Italian ones, can be ascribed to the
conceptual metaphor woman is a SUPERNATURAL ENTITY,14 with either positive
or negative connotations. Positively, they are mostly equated to angels (24–25;
27, 2), but even to the epitome of the divine (26; 28–29). By highlighting the
privileged relationship of women with the divine, which makes the will of the
two entities coincide, an equivalence is established between the two by
transitivity relation in (26) and (28). Example (29) has the same meaning, but
the divine source domain is coded by the metonymic use of ciel, held to be
God’s residence (cf. Larousse, s.v. ciel), as well as by the use of the idiomatic
expression être écrit (dans le ciel) signifying God’s will.
(24) La donna è l’angelo della casa.
(25) Le donne son sante in chiesa, angele in casa e gazze alla porta.
(26) Quel che donna vuole, Dio lo vuole.
(27) Femmes sont anges à l’église, diables en la maison et singes au
lit.
14 Similar proverbs can be found, partly for having wandered from Italian or French, in
American English, too: Better the devil’s than a woman’s slave; What woman wills God wills
(French); When a woman reigns the devil governs (Italian); When the wife rules the house, the devil
is man-servant; Woman rules man, but de debil [devil] rules her (cf. Kerschen 1998: 112–113).
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
23
(28) Femmes sont à l’église saintes, ès rues anges, à la maison
diablesses.
(29) Ce que femme veut, Dieu le veut.
(30) Ce que veut une femme est écrit dans le ciel.
While the parallelism and the coreference of God’s and woman’s will in (26),
(28), and (29) leads quite straightforwardly to a characterization of WOMAN
through the divine attribute of omnipotence, it is more frequent that such an
attribution is not realized through explicit mention of God. The divine nature
of the trait, then, can be inferred on the grounds of common cultural
knowledge and religious beliefs, as in examples (30) and (31), stating woman’s
ability to influence the weather or, in fact, anything at all:
(31) Quando una donna vuole, fa piovere e nevicare.
(32) Se la donna vuole, tutto puole.
This slight implicitness does, however, leave room for less favourable
interpretations, too – a not so unlikely possibility, as attested by the fact that at
least as many French and most Italian proverbs in the category WOMAN IS A
SUPERNATURAL ENTITY are negatively connoted. In fact, they explicitly relate
WOMAN to DEVIL – another in turn metaphorically shaped entity from the
religious sphere. The association can take place e.g. by direct identification
through a straightforward predication as in (32), (27), and (2) or by attribution
to woman of even higher powers than the devil’s (37, 16) – i.e. by means of
characterizing woman or her activities as devilish.
(33) La donna è il diavolo della casa.
(34) Quando la donna vuole il diavolo l’aiuta.
(35) Quando la donna grida il diavolo scodinzola.
(36) Delle gambe delle donne si fa le corna il Diavolo.
(37) Donna oziosa esca del diavolo.
(38) Le donne [la donna] ne sanno [ne sa] una più del diavolo.
(39) Quando una donna vuole neanche il diavolo ce la fa.
(40) Femmes sont anges à l’église, diables en la maison et singes
au lit.
(2) Femmes sont à l’église saintes, ès rues anges, à la maison
diablesses.
(16) Femme sait un art avant le Diable.
These proverbs often suggest an instrumental relationship between WOMAN
and DEVIL: in (20), it is suggested that the woman can avail herself of the devil
to accomplish her will, while (33), (34), and (35) reverse the relation, at times
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metonymically reducing woman e.g. to her emotivity (33) or to a body part –
the legs in (34) – serving as an instrument of temptation of the devil.
The supernatural entities that make up the first subcategory of the source
domain WOMAN IS SUPERHUMAN, drawn from the religious sphere and rooted
in the tradition of book religions, have in common that they are at least as
abstract as the target domain. This means they in turn originate in the
metaphorical shaping of abstract concepts in terms of more concrete ones, as
their etymology gives away, allowing a glance behind the curtains of
lexicalisation. The Greek ánghelos ‘messagger’ at the origin of ecclesiastical
Latin angĕlu(m), the Greek diabállein ‘to slander’, from dia ‘across’ + ballein ‘to
throw’ at the origin of Latin diabŏlu(m) and the Indo-European root meaning
‘luminous’ at the origin of Latin dēu(m) (cf. Garzanti 2013; OED) give a sense of
just how concrete and common the experiences underwriting religious
concepts are.
4.1.2 WOMAN IS A NATURAL FORCE
This typical concreteness of the source domain is apparently more evident in
the second most frequent superhuman-metaphor in both Italian and French
proverbs, WOMAN IS A NATURAL FORCE, where the hyponyms associated with
the target domain are elements of nature such as the weather (41, 10; 9, 47),
the wind (11; 47, 51), the moon (42; 47, 48), the sea (43, 5; 49–51), or fire (43, 46;
51).
(41) Fa prima il tempo a cambiare che la donna a vestirsi.
(10) Il tempo e le donne hanno sempre fatto come gli pare.
(42) Donna e luna oggi serena e domani bruna.
(11) Donna, vento e ventura presto si mutano.
(43) La donna, il fuoco e il mare fanno l’uomo pericolare.
(5) Donna iraconda, mare senza sponda.
(44) Donne e fuoco stuzzicali ogni poco.
(9) Temps, ciel pommelé et femme fardée ne sont pas de longue
durée.
(45) Temps et vent et femme et fortune changent autant comme la
lune.
(46) Comme la lune est variable pensée de femme est variable.
(47) Si traîtresse que soit la mer, plus traîtresses les femmes.
(48) De la mer naît le sel et de la femme le mal.
(49) Femme, feu, messe, vent et mer font cinq maux de grand amer.
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
25
These elements have all been considered of paramount importance for the
very subsistence of the human race, since the livelihood of entire peoples
depend, and depended even more in archaic societies, on them. So much are
humans at their mercy, that they have all been deified via personification, alias
metaphor. Aeolos, Selene/Artemis,15 Efestos, Helios, Poseidon are only the
Greek names of some of the deities constructed to grasp these forces of nature.
On closer consideration, then, the concreteness of this source domain might
not be quite as immediate as our contemporary worldview, with its different
mythologies, might suggest. The traits it maps unto the concept of WOMAN, i.e.
unpredictability, uncontrollability and danger, are not only perceived as true
of physical nature, but once again of divine nature. Fuoco, for instance, counts
among its meanings, metonymically crystallised, “causa di danni, di rovine”
(Battaglia, s.v. fuoco) and can stand for the divine majesty and wrath, while
mare can signify “situazione difficile, pericolosa” (Battaglia, s.v. mare) and is
used metaphorically by Dante (Par., III, 86) for the divine: “Ell’è quel mare al
qual tutto si move”.16
4.2 WOMAN IS PROPERTY17
The second group of cultural conceptual metaphors can be led back to the
general metaphor WOMAN IS PROPERTY. This hyper-metaphor is achieved by
means of hypo-metaphors that associate women with both animate and
inanimate entities on which it is legally possible to exercise property, i.e. a
“right to the possession, use, or disposal of something” (OED).
15 Besides being adored as Selene, Artemis, and Ecate in Greece and, starting with king Titus
Tatius, in Rome, where she was later identified with Diana and Lucina, luna plays a
metaphorical role in medieval symbology, where it is viewed as astro dell’Amore.
Personifications in Italian literature are displayed in Petrarca, Tassoni, Foscolo, Leopardi,
Ungaretti etc. (cf. Battaglia, s.v. luna).
16 Interestingly, the feminine luna has not come to maintain its divine metaphoricity in
Christian times, but appears to have assumed the meaning of “Carattere lunatico, balzano,
stravagante; condizione di alterazione mentale o di stravaganza periodica” (Battaglia, s.v.
luna) metonymically, given that the moon was considered to be the cause of such mutable
and altered states.
17 In Kerschen’s (1998: 67–73) collection of American proverbs, the ones subsumed under the
property rubric, such as Arms, women and books should be looked at daily or Gold, women, and
linen should be chosen by daylight are the most numerous, with only Women and hens are lost by
gadding attested as of Italian origin and none of French background.
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4.2.1 WOMAN IS A DOMESTICATED ANIMAL
The animal metaphor draws on a great variety of domesticated animals. Most
domesticated animals called upon are LIVESTOCK, i.e. “farm animals regarded
as an asset” (OED): horses (52–55; 65, 66, 8), donkeys (56, 57) and mules (68);
hens (21, 59, 60; 70–72, 23) and geese (61, 62); goats (57–58; 22, 67–69), oxen (18,
63), and even generic beasts in the restricted sense, already present in Latin
(Robert, s.v. bête), of farm animal (64; 68).
(50) Donna e cavallo: nulla di migliore e nulla di peggiore.
(51) Chi cerca donne e caval senza difetto va sempre a piedi e sta
solo nel letto.
(52) Moglie e ronzino pigliali dal vicino.
(53) Cavallo e signora prendili nel villaggio.
(54) Donne e asini tirano sempre al peggio.
(55) Donne, asini e capre vanno sempre dove c’è più pericolo.
(56) Donne e capre vogliono la corda lunga.
(21) Le donne hanno il cervello di gallina.
(57) Donne e galline per troppo andar si perdono.
(58) Malattia di donna e zoppicare di gallina durano poco.
(59) Dove son femmine e oche parole non son poche.
(60) Donna vana mezza oca e mezza puttana.
(18) Chi sa comprare buoi e poponi sa scegliersi anche una donna.
(61) Donne e buoi dei paesi tuoi.
(62) Una buona donna è sempre una cattiva bestia.
(63) Abreuver son cheval à tous gués, mener sa femme à tous festins,
de son cheval on fait une rosse et de sa femme une catin.
(64) Il n’y a femme, cheval ni vache qui ridait toujours quelque tache.
(8) Des femmes et des chevaux il n’y en a point sans défauts.
(22) Plus le bouc est bourru, plus la chèvre le lèche.
(65) Une femme, une chèvre et un pis (puits) c’est pour gâter tout.
(66) Une bonne femme, une bonne mule et une bonne chèvre sont
trois méchantes bêtes.
(67) Une femme, une chèvre et un puits, c’est pour gâter tout un
pays.
(68) Femme qui parle comme homme, et géline qui chante comme
coq ne sont bonnes à tenir.
(69) Les filles et les poules se perdent de trop courir.
(70) Fille qui trotte et géline qui vole de légier sont adirées.
(23) Le ménage va mal quand la poule chante plus haut que le coq.
Animals are themselves notoriously targets of metaphorical mappings consolidated
in language use. For bue ‘ox’, for instance, the metaphorical meaning of
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
27
“Persona di mente ottusa; stolido, goffo; ignorante” is attested, and the traits
mansueto ‘tame’ and placido ‘placid’ have been crystallised as typical attributes
thanks to poets Marino and Parini (cf. Battaglia, s.v. bue). Asino ‘donkey’ is
reported to mean, metaphorically, “Persona grossolana, zotica, villana;
testarda, ignorante” (Battaglia, s.v. asino), while the idiom farsi asina is
reported to mean “to prostitute oneself”. Even for cavallo, which holds also
positive connotations,18 Battaglia reports less than flatteringly: “Cervello,
intelletto da cavallo: intelligenza piuttosto ottusa, poco acuta”.
The circle closes when these human traits attributed to animals are led back to
humans, here to women, through the metaphors displayed in the proverbs. It
is also noteworthy that many of these metaphoric expressions are attested in
literature as well, if not consolidated by lexicography with a specific reference
to women: Bencivenni uses the horse metaphor for women;19 cavalla,
“femmina del cavallo”, which has its own lemma in Battaglia, is attested in the
expression salir la cavalla meaning “congiungersi carnalmente con una donna”;
capra is used by Brancati in reference to a woman.20
Still in the animal realm, but beyond livestock, we often find animal
metaphors involving pets –almost exclusively cats (73–79), rarely dogs (80):
(71) Donne e gatti amano la casa.
(72) Donna e gatto chi non li conosce cari li paga.
(73) Le donne hanno sette spiriti in corpo.
(74) Le donne sono come i gatti: hanno sette vite.
(75) Donne, mosche e gatti si preparano con comodo.
(76) La donna gabbò il Demonio e il gatto gabbò la donna.
(77) La femme tombe sept fois et toujours se relève.
(78) Donne l’os au chien, le mensonge à la femme.
18 When Tasso (1837: 68), in the dialogue Il conte ovvero dell’impresa, contraposes the warriorhorse
and the servant-ox in his Dialoghi, we can safely assume that the former is considered a
more noble creature: “La natura del cavallo, come sapete, è guerriera, ed egli è segno della
Guerra. […] Però, dipinti e scolpiti in varii modi, sono immagini convenientissime d’animo
guerriero, non meno che il bue sia di ferocità insieme con la soggezione.”
19 “Appresso elli [Santo Paulo] insegna, ch’elle siano d’onesto e semplice riguardo […], e
non […] come sono le folli femine, che vanno col collo isteso e a capo erto […], e riguardano a
traverso come cavallo di pregio” (Bencivenni 1842: 196).
20 “La ragazza abbassò la testa, guardando storta come una capra” (Brancati 1949: 10).
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Metaphorically, the term gatto signifies, with a negative connotation: “Persona
astuta, sorniona, dissimulatrice, maligna e perversa (o anche avida e rapace)”
(Battaglia, s.v. gatto) – a characterization first appearing in ancient Greek fables
(cf. Grimm 2014: 37–58). The female form gatta is identified tout court with
women: “volendone indicare i sentimenti piuttosto fieri, crudeli, selvatici;
oppure l’indole sfuggente; anche i modi morbidi, teneri, il contegno amoroso,
voglioso” (Battaglia, s.v. gatta).21
The concept of pet, of course, is relatively recent in its modern expansion,
having to await the rise of the bourgeoisie to enter common use.22 Before
advancing to family members, the animals in question were prototypically
working animals almost as much as livestock. This is especially the case in the
farm life reflected in the proverbs, with dogs employed as guardians and cats
keeping diseases at bay (cf. Grimm 2014: 37–58). Hence my suggestion to
gather both sets of animals under the rubric DOMESTICATED ANIMALS. Cats, in
fact, are held to have originated in a “sottospecie del gatto selvatico”
domesticated in ancient Egypt23 (Battaglia, s.v. gatto) and all animal metaphors
occur with animals key to agricultural life and to securing human lives and
livelihoods.
4.1.2 WOMAN IS AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE
Unsurprisingly, then, the same agricultural world can be credited with
metaphorical expressions involving on the one hand WOMAN and on the other
hand AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE. The literature already accounts for the
metaphor WOMAN ARE FOOD, i.e. a “nutritious substance that people or
animals eat or drink or that plants absorb in order to maintain life and
21 It can thus be noted that, of all the farm animal employed to conceptualise WOMAN in our
proverbs, the ones for which a feminine form is available next to the masculine, cavalla
‘female horse’ and gatta ‘female cat’, have – in the female – sexual connotations and can carry
a trait of wilderness despite the occurred domestication of the species they belong to.
22 And, presumably, its emulation of aristocratic habits, as dogs kept for pleasure, a trend
started by the Romans, were already in European aristocracy in the 16th century (cf. Grimm
2014: 37–58), when the English term pet begins to refer to them (cf. OED).
23 The godlike status the cat had here would briefly spread to Greece along with the animal
and the influence of Egyptian cult, as the Egyptian cat god Bastes was associated with
Artemis (cf. Battaglia, s.v. gatto).
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
29
growth” (OED). Some of the Italian proverbs studied also reflect this
metaphor, most notably mapping a typically divisible fruit like citrus fruits
(85) or melon (86) onto the heart of woman, drawing on a double metonymy,
with a body part standing for both the person and her feelings (85–87), and
alluding to a lack of fidelity.
(79) Asini, donne e noci voglion le mani atroci.
(80) Le donne e le sardine sono buone piccoline.
(81) Donna magra carne dura.
(82) Donne e bistecche, più si battono e più diventano tenere.
(83) Il cuore delle donne è fatto a limoncello: uno spicchio a questo e
a quello e l’amore se ne va.
(84) Il cuore delle donne è fatto a melone: a chi ne va uno spicchio, a
chi un boccone.
(85) Il cuore della donna è fatto a spicchi.
But when it comes to food metaphors, it is the French proverbs that attest the
greatest frequency and variety, ranging from real foods such as bread (89),
soup (90), melon (91), pears (92) salad (93), egg variations such as oeufs and
omelettes (94, 4) or salade to fictional foods as in crème de singe ‘monkey’s cream’
et de fromage de renard ‘fox’s cheese’ (88), or even hust hinting at food through
related adjectives and verbs, e.g. aigre ‘sour’, douce ‘sweet’, saler ‘to salt’ (95–
96).
(86) Le cerveau de la femme est fait de crème de singe et de fromage
de renard.
(87) Jeune femmes, pain tendre et bots vert mettent la maison au
désert.
(88) Vieille viande fait bonne soupe.
(89) Femme et melon à peine les connaît-on.
(90) Poires et femmes sans rumeur sont en prix et grand honneur.
(91) Cartes, femmes et salade ne sont jamais trop secouées.
(92) La femme et l’oeuf un seul maître veut.
(4) Les femmes sont comme les omelettes, elles ne sont jamais
assez battues.
(93) Femme maigre, femme aigre.
(94) Les femmes sont trop douces, il faut les saler.
Finally, women are metaphorically associated with oenological produce in
both languages:
(95) Di donna e di vino s’ubriaca il grande e il piccino.
(96) Donna di finestra, uva [vigna] di strada.
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(97) Le donne belle e il vino buono son le prime cose che
t’abbandonano.
(98) Femme et vin ont leur venin.
(99) D’une bonne vigne prenez le plant d’une bonne mère prenez la
fille.
(17) Vin qui vieillit s’améliore, femme vieille devient revêche.
(100) Femme de vin, femme de rien.
Considering the typology of foods used in all these metaphorical expressions –
simple ingredients, fruits and vegetables, home cooked foods and viticulture
products stemming from one and the same agricultural world – I suggest the
umbrella source domain of AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE.
4.1.3 WOMAN IS COMMODITY
The metaphor WOMAN IS COMMODITY, i.e. a “raw material or primary
agricultural product that can be bought and sold”, or a “useful or valuable
thing” (OED) can be considered a specification of WOMAN ARE
THINGS/ANIMATE OBJECTS or even of PEOPLE ARE THINGS/INANIMATE OBJECTS.
In fact, expressions primarily used for possession are of common use for both
women and men in most European languages (e.g. possessive adjectives in my
wife, my husband; verbs expressing possession in I have a boyfriend etc.). This
occurs in proverbs too, with adjectives and prepositions expressing possession
(119, 122; 114, 123), and especially verbs like avere ‘to have’ (103, 121), vendere
and vendre ‘to sell’ (104; 117), valere and valoir ‘to be worth’ (105; 109–111, 115,
118, 120), comprare ‘buy’ (18), scegliere ‘choose’ (18, implicit in 106; 124), prendre
‘to take’ (107, 113, 123, 125), garder ‘to keep’ (112), perdre ‘to lose’ (108), which
are all prototypically referred to inanimate objects and most of which are used
in relation to deeds of sale:
(101) Chi non ha donna ha un gran debito.
(102) Donna che prende donna che si vende.
(103) Se le donne fossero d’oro non varrebbero quello che valgono.
(18) Chi sa comprare buoi e poponi sa scegliersi anche una donna.
(104) Né donna né tela a lume di candela.
(105) Celui qui prend la vieille femme, aime l’argent plus que la
dame.
(106) Qui perd sa femme et quinze sous c’est dommage pour
l’argent.
(107) Femme bonne vaut une couronne.
(108) Femme de bien vaut un grand bien.
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
31
(109) Brave femme dans une maison vaut mieux que ferme et que
cheval.
(110) Qui a femme à garder n’a pas journée assurée.
(111) L’homme a deux bons jours sur terre quand il prend femme et
quand il l’enterre.
(112) Femme de marin femme de chagrin.
(113) Si la femme vaut, elle vaut un empire, si elle est autre, il n’y a
bête pire.
(114) Maison faite et femme à faire.
(115) Femme qui prend, [elle] se vend, femme qui donne
s’abandonne.
(116) Homme de paille vaut une femme d’or.
(117) A qui Dieu veut aider, sa femme [lui] meurt.
(118) Femme bonne vaut couronne.
(119) Qui a une femme de bien vit longtemps bien.
(120) Dieu aime l’homme quand il lui ôte sa femme.
(121) Qui prend la fille du voisin en sait le défaut.
(122) La femme ni la toile ne se choisissent à la chandelle.
(123) Ne prends jamais femme chez un cafetier ni une vache chez un
meunier.
Such metaphors are particularly interesting for their implicitness. But proverb
metaphors also give away more specifically the kind of inanimate commodity
women are conceived as – vases (126), clocks (127), clothing items (128, 135)
etc.:
(124) Chi vuole donna senza difetti, se la faccia fare dal vasaio.
(125) Donne, orologi e fogli son quasi tutti imbrogli.
(126) Donne dotte e vesti brutte rimangono sempre appese.
(127) Chi casa vuol fare, dalla donna deve cominciare.
(128) Femme prudente et bien sage est l’ornement du ménage.
(129) La femme est la clef du ménage.
(130) Jolie femme, miroir de fous.
(131) La charrette gâte le chemin, la femme l’homme et l’eau le vin.
(132) Pas d’étoupe près du feu ni de femme proche de l’homme.
(133) Belle fille et méchante robe trouve toujours qui les accroche.
Standing for the source domain, there are mostly very tangible household
artefacts of everyday life – the same rural life of the animal and oenogastronomic
selection previously seen.
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5. In conclusion
Looking at the distribution of the concrete entities used as source tokens
between Italian and French proverbs, it would appear that the conceptual
metaphor WOMAN IS A SUPERNATURAL ENTITY displays a greater frequency in
Italian proverbs and the conceptual metaphor WOMAN IS AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCE in French ones. WOMAN IS A COMMODITY appears to be instantiated
more frequently in a less transparent way in French proverbs. Within the
WOMAN IS A DOMESTICATED ANIMAL metaphor, both Italian and French
proverbs seem to be partial to horses and hens, while goats are more
represented in French proverbs and oxen only in Italian ones.
Beyond such distributional differences of metaphoric expressions, however,
the metaphorical pattern emerging from the proverbs of both languages
appears to be the same, placing WOMAN on a different level of the great chain
with respect to the deictic centre. This deictic centre is identifiable – against the
backdrop of a worldview with a strictly binary understanding of gender –
with MAN. WoMAN is in fact metaphorically placed either above or underneath
MAN, according to the metaphors CONTROL OR FORCE/HIGH STATUS/GOOD IS
UP (see Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 16) – so that the chain might actually be better
visualised as a ladder. Given that this “above” and this “under” correspond to
entities perceived as governing humans and entities perceived as governed by
humans, and that WOMAN is associated to them in opposition to MAN, it
follows that she is metaphorically excluded from the human status, or at the
very least distinguished from its prototypical representative. This would
confirm Kerschen’s observation that “proverbs about women are […] a part of
sexist language just as much as the generic pronoun” (1998: 11). Of course, the
sexism would also be a matter of frequency and exclusivity of the outlined
order and the findings ought to be verified against a study of proverbs about
MAN. However, the sheer quantity of proverbs about women as opposed to
men indicate the constancy of the centrality of MAN.
This metaphorical pattern betrays archaic, rural origins and fosters, with
regard to WOMAN IS PROPERTY, associations with an archaic legal order in
which ownership is tantamount to physical control.24 It is for example
24 For the legal metaphor of OWNERSHIP AS GRASPED THING, see Arms (1999).
Bletsas: Gendered Metaphors in Proverbs
33
noteworthy that oxen, horses, mules and donkeys fall under the legal category
of particularly valuable goods called res mancipi in the agrarian Roman society
(cf. Marrone 1994: 292). For these things, property is transmitted via
mancipatio, from ‘manus’ hand + capere ‘grasp’ – a legal metaphor rooted in the
physical experience of holding one’s possession in one’s hand. Women cannot
be active party of this bilateral transaction, whose original function in archaic
times is believed to be that of sale deed (cf. Marrone 1994: 135), by themselves.
They can however be its objects, since the transaction can not only transfer real
rights on domesticated animals and valuable inanimate things, but can also
concern slaves as well as filii and filiae familias (equated to slaves under the
patria potestas in archaic Rome) – and women in case of marriage accompanied
by conventio in manum (cf. Marrone 1994: 133–135).
Metaphors raising WOMAN beyond human status can be just as problematic.
As Marrone (1994: 275) sharply notes: “considerazione e rispetto non
comportano necessariamente parità: il rispetto può essere a scapito
dell’uguaglianza.” More so, since the mappings created via WOMAN IS
SUPERHUMAN carry mostly negative connotations.
These findings could, especially paired with previous studies on the matter, be
regarded as a first hint of a discourse tradition in Romance languages – but
possibly even neighbouring languages and English. The hypothesis does not
appear too far-fetched, if one bears in mind the historic routes of proverbs
dissemination: from Greece and Rome through Latin, by means of Erasmus’s
Adagia, thanks to the Bible and Luther’ translations and writings, via didactic
materials throughout Europe and beyond the European continent by way of
English (cf. Mieder 2007). Further studies enquiring on the metaphoric
patterns about WOMAN in other languages’ proverbs ought to shed light on the
matter, while at the same time further contributing to pointing out the
symptoms and researching the origins of prejudice without succumbing to the
temptation to censor folklore (cf. Kerschen 1998: 6).
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What is FEMININE? A corpus study of metaphors used by French speaking female influencers writing about sport

Francesca Capacchietti

RWTH Aachen (francesca.capacchietti@ifaar.rwth-aachen.de)

Conceptual metaphors underlying everyday language shape the way we think and act (Lakoff/Johnson, 1980): with regard to gender diversity, previous studies showed how unconscious metaphors “enables stereotyping and the tacit dissemination of prejudice” (Melnick, 1999) due to rudimentary dichotomic associations like FEMALE/SOFT/PASSIVE/LABILE in opposition to MALE/HARD/ACTIVE/SOLID. As women’s roles in Western society change and the Internet facilitates dialogue, exchange and awareness, women’s online contributions reveal a significant constellation of metaphors related to women, thus representing a source of linguistic interest. This paper focuses on women writing specifically for women, more precisely on gender metaphors that underlie Internet posts written by three French speaking top female sport influencers (Sonia Tlev, Stessie Littlebirds and Lucile Woodward): the language these personalities choose and use on Facebook, Instagram and on their blogs is analyzed with regard to the metaphors systematically related to sporting women and the traits assigned to the concept of FEMALE/FEMININE.

Konzeptuelle Metaphern, die der Alltagssprache zugrunde liegen, beeinflussen unsere Gedanken und unser Verhalten (Lakoff/Johnson, 1980): in Bezug auf gender-spezifische Unterschiede haben wissenschaftliche Studien gezeigt, wie unbewusste Metaphern sowohl Stereotypen als auch Vorurteile verbreiten (Melnick, 1999) aufgrund elementarer dichotomischer Assoziationsketten wie WEIBLICH/WEICH/PASSIV/LABIL im Gegensatz zu MÄNNLICH/HART/AKTIF/FEST. Die Rolle der Frau befindet sich in der westlichen Gesellschaft im Wandel. Das Internet vereinfacht die Kommunikation und die Bewusstseinsbildung. In Online-Posts von Frauen lassen sich bedeutsame Veränderungen feststellen in Bezug auf das, was als WEIBLICH betrachtet wird. Diese stellen dadurch ein interessantes Untersuchungsfeld für die Linguistik dar. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse stehen Frauen, die für Frauen schreiben und zwar mithilfe von Metaphern: die Facebook-, Instagram- bzw. Blog-Posts von drei französischsprechenden Top Sport-Influencerinnen (Sonia Tlev, Stessie Littlebirds und Lucile Woodward) werden im Hinblick auf die verwendeten Metaphern analysiert, die systematisch in Bezug auf sportliche Frauen eingesetzt werden und dadurch bestimmte Eigenschaften mit WEIBLICH assoziieren.

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1. Introduction:
Since Lakoff and Johnson’s Metaphor we live by (1980) explained and exemplified the role conceptual metaphors play in our understanding of reality, metaphor analysis has become a substantial instrument to define and comprehend concepts underlying our discourse: in the process of structuring one concept in terms of another, metaphors influence our attitudes, our set of values and consequently our behavior, without us being fully aware of this process.
The impact metaphors have on conceptual systems has repercussions not only on the individual construction of meaning, but also on a social level, as
[…] language does not simply reflect social reality, but it is also constitutive of such reality, in other words, it shapes how we see ourselves and the world. If language use is constitutive rather than indexical, then it has the potential to help establish and maintain social and power relations, values and identities, as well as to challenge routine practice and contribute towards social change (Litosseliti 2006: 9).
From this perspective, considering gender as “the traits assigned to a sex” (Litosseliti 2006:11), it seems essential that an accurate analysis of gender related discourse takes into account metaphors used both unintentionally and deliberately with reference to the ideas of MASCULINE and FEMININE: in this regard, previous studies showed how unconscious metaphors “enables stereotyping and the tacit dissemination of prejudice” (Melnick, 1999) due to rudimentary associations like FEMALE/SOFT/PASSIVE/BELONGS BELOW/MADE FOR EASE in opposition to MALE/HARD/ACTIVE/BELONGS ABOVE/MADE FOR EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY, thus shaping our mindset, our expectations and our conduct.
Even if Schmitt warns about the risks of such a binary conceptual structure possibly leading to a doing gender approach (Schmitt 2009:17), this oppositional system can certainly raise awareness about the process of gender construction (Schmitt 2009:17). It could also be enriched with additional dichotomies, such as PURITY/IMPURITY (cf. von Braun/Stephan 2005:9-14) and SPIRIT/BODY (cf. von Braun/Stephan 2005:7-21) as well as PUBLIC/PRIVATE (cf. Wesely 2000:160-191), as long as we keep in mind that the traits assigned to MASCULINE and FEMININE vary across cultures, generations, societies and contexts (cf. Litosseliti 2006:11).
In this sense, Melnick’s binary schema should be considered as alterable and changes in the traits assigned to each sex should lead to further considerations about the contexts in which the discourse is produced, taking into account that “meaning cannot be inferred by words alone, but by inferential work that involves many situational and contextual parameters” (Litosseliti 2006:21).
An accurate and systematic metaphoric analysis should additionally help overcoming ambiguity, especially when the traits assigned to maleness and femaleness are not the result of a simple dichotomic opposition, but are rather complex and subtler conceptual constructs.
In fact, as for the alterability of the traits we need to consider that
[…] there have been profound changes in recent decades in terms of raised awareness about gender issues, as well as gender and language. Yet, the complexity of our language choices, the pressures of a climate of political correctness, and the success of feminist campaigns over language, may mean that we are now faced with different, more insidious, forms of sexism than in the past, when instances of sexist language were relatively easily identified (Litosseliti 2006:21).
Media can be certainly listed among the changes that influenced communication in the last years (cf. Beard 2004:35-54), including of course social media: as media use evolves, also media “representations of gender are changing, becoming less coherent, more subtle, and potentially more insidious” (Litosseliti 2006:120), which makes a corpus-based analysis of metaphors in social media essential.
As a matter of fact, as women’s roles in Western society change and the Internet facilitates dialogue, exchange and awareness, social media and blogs contributions convey significant concepts associated with MASCULINE and FEMININE: sport is certainly one of the numerous topics which deserve attention.
Previous studies clearly showed how women are encouraged through sports to develop a very specific ideal of femininity (cf. Scraton/Flintoff 2013:98), “central to which is heterosexual attractiveness and availability” (Scraton/Flintoff 2013:98); how they are pushed to discipline their bodies with diet and exercise (cf. Scraton/Flintoff 2013:102) and how society has overall been trained to divide sports between masculine and feminine, placing physical limits on women, encouraging them to accept these stereotypes (cf. Birrell/Theberg 1994:344) and to rather choose aesthetically pleasing activities (cf. Schmalz/Kersetter, 2006:536-557).
Other studies “highlight how gender difference is perpetuated in sport media to uphold male privilege and trivialize women’s athletic accomplishments” (Toffoletti 2016:5) through several mechanisms:
emphasizing women’s sexuality as a means of objectifying female athletes (Clavio & Eagleman, 2011; Duncan & Messner, 1998); infantilizing sportswomen through descriptors like “girl” that position women as inferior, weak and unsuited to the physical demands of sport (Bernstein, 2002; Koivula, 1999); portraying women who possess muscular and strong bodies as “abnormal” or “unfeminine” – renderings that often negatively characterize female athletes as butch or lesbian, hence naturalize heterosexual masculinity as the athletic ideal (Lansbury, 2001; Lenskyj, 1987); and depicting female athletes in heteronormative roles as wives, girlfriends and mothers (Cooky, Messner & Hextrum, 2013; Heywood & Dworkin, 2003) (Toffoletti 2016:5).
However, social media are changing this scenery since they offer female athletes a communication platform, where they can autonomously present themselves without depending on traditional mass media (cf. Beck/Capt 2017:139). Social media allow female athletes to take a more active part in their own public presentation (cf. Lebel/Danylchuk, 2012:461; Sanderson, 2008:930), to share more information about their own identities (cf. Sanderson, 2013:420) and to directly counteract to what is published by mainstream mass media about them (cf. Sanderson, 2008:930). “Given that there are opportunities to control more of one’s self-presentation, it seems natural that one could self-present outside traditional gender norms” (Reichart Smith/Sanderson 2015:344), so that gender-related metaphors underlying social media posts written by female athletes represent a great source of linguistic interest, especially if we consider that information shared about and by athletes can prompt identification in their fans (Sanderson 2013:419).
Several studies show how this ability to control their own representations in social media has led sporting women to construct images that differ from traditional gender stereotypes, as for example the association between masculinity and sport (cf. Thorpe/Toffoletti/Bruce 2017:5):
Although the social media content they create and share online is not always directed towards feminist activism, it is nonetheless seen to harbour transformative potential to enable women to construct alternative discourses around feminine sporting subjectivity. While some of this research notes ambivalences in how young women construct their online sporting identities, including the persistence of conventional articulations of femininity and sexuality as they attempt to meet wider social imperatives to appear as both sporting and feminine, there is considerable scope to further investigate these ambivalences (Thorpe/ Toffoletti/Bruce 2017:6).
Starting from the above-mentioned scientific findings, which confirm how the ability to “bypass the gatekeepers that control traditional media products” (Thorpe/Toffoletti/Bruce 2017:5) through social media as well as the possibility “to trespass gender frontiers and the potential to recreate and (re)define new femininities” (Scraton/Flintoff 2013:103) through sport are redefining the way sporting women construct their public image, this work aims at investigating if and how female sport influencers’ contributions on the web are based on enabled stereotypes and prejudices or if and how they are reworking gender-related concepts.
More precisely this paper examines gender metaphors that underlie Internet posts written by three French speaking top female sport influencers (Sonia Tlev, Stessie Littlebird and Lucile Woodward) intending to answer following research questions:
I. Which gender-related metaphors referring to sporting women can be identified? 
II. How do these conceptual metaphors differ from common stereotypes, e.g. from Melnick’s dichotomic scheme? 
III. Which new correlations are these top sport female influencers proposing to their followers? 
IV. Which conceptual associations are they based on?
As already mentioned, the language these personalities choose and use on Facebook, Instagram and on their blogs can motivate and inspire other women to follow the same path, so that the gender-related metaphors used to express their goals and ideas have a broader impact and can contribute to redefine the social idea of femaleness.
The focus on three French speaking top sport influencers allows on one side to define a specific context of analysis and on the other side to create an authentic corpus based on web posts: the metaphors identified and illustrated can be considered as gender-specific, given that the influencers clearly address sporting women, as the examples presented will show (cf. Appendix).

2. Methodology and corpus
2.1 Methodology
This paper examines from an exclusively linguistic point of view internet posts written by French speaking female influencers writing about sport. Conceptual metaphors are identified following the Metaphor Identification Procedure (MIP) by the Pragglejaz Group, as described in MIP: A Method for Identifying Metaphorically Used Words in Discourse (2007). This method allows to determine the metaphorical use of each lexical unit in a specific context “by comparing the contextual and the basic meaning of the word, referring to contemporary dictionaries in order to avoid bias and reliance on intuition of native speakers and individual analysts” (Pragglejaz Group 2007:3).

2.2 Corpus
The corpus of analysis includes a sample of 150 posts whose authors, Sonia Tlev, Stessie Littlebirds and Lucile Woodward, were selected for the metaphor analysis because of their big popularity. The 150 contributions, 50 for each influencer, have been downloaded from Internet channels, in order to describe possible differences and similarities across media platforms. Moreover, the posts taken into account were published in three different years, from 2016 to 2018, to verify the diachronic consistency of the identified conceptual metaphors: the number of posts and the years selected have been chosen considering the research focus, women writing about sport, and so that, for each influencer, the corpus includes a selection of posts from three Internet platforms and from three years (2016, 2017, 2018). Finally, the analysis focuses exclusively on written content, which means that videos and pictures were not considered.
The corpus design generally reflects the need for authenticity and systematicity, with two minor discrepancies:
• As for Stessie Littlebirds, 7 additional blog posts were examined, as 7 Facebook posts out of the 20 only included links to the blog without further content relevant for the analysis.
• As for Sonia Tlev, 4 blog posts have no explicit publication year, but they have been included into the corpus due to their thematic relevance and specially to assure a minimum of analyzed blog posts. There are no blog posts for 2018.
A brief introduction of the three sport influencers is provided in the following paragraphs.

2.2.1 Lucile Woodward
With about 177k Instagram and more than 63k Facebook followers1, Lucile Woodward defines herself as real people’s coach2. After working as a scientific journalist3, she completed a qualification as sports coach4 and is now writing posts about coaching, life and nutrition: even if the influencer mostly uses the pronoun on, the fact that her posts generally address women emerge from contents like sport during periods and pregnancy (exx. (18), (21)).
On her e-shops5, she offers different coaching programs (Programmes course à pied, Yoga débutant, Objectif -10 kilos, Rélévez votre corps d’été, Objectif rentrée), one nutritional program (Rééquilibrage alimentaire) and one cookbook with vegetarian recipes (Carnet de 31 recettes végétariennes). She states that her training method is based on 10 years working experience in the field and allows her clients to get back in shape through a balanced nutrition plan as well as varied and regular sport activities6, always keeping in mind that it might take time to lose weight as wished7.
She publishes sport related content also on Pinterest, Twitter and Youtube and wrote several books (Une Silhouette de Rêve C'est Malin, Un Ventre Plat C'est Malin, En Forme Pendant et Après La Grossesse, Objectif: Un Corps Canon). Mother of two, she offers also sport sessions suitable for pregnant women.

2.2.2 Stessie Littlebirds
Stessie Littlebirds is specialized in weight training, but writes about several topics, e.g. sport in general, nutrition and lifestyle, on her blog as well as for her 211k Instagram and more than 14k Facebook followers8. Moreover, she uploads videos on her YouTube channel9 and offers a paid training program, Move with Stessie, on FizzUp10.
She gives various biographical information about herself in several posts, but not in a general overview. Still in her twenties, she considers weight training and fitness as a passion, a need and a therapy11. She states that sport helped her put on weight12, overcome miscarriages13, find her balance and increase her self-confidence14.
Stessie Littlebirds does not write exclusively for a female public and uses gender-neutral adjectives15, nevertheless her articles deal with periods16, women that inspire her17, how women should be treated by men18, what is important for a fit-girl19 etc., so that it is possible to state that the metaphors used are implicitly referred to women.

2.2.3 Sonia Tlev
Sonia Tlev is a top French speaking sport influencer with her 1.7m Instagram followers on her fitness profile, 623k Instagram followers on her personal profile, almost 400k Facebook followers20, a blog, a Twitter account and a YouTube Channel.
On her online shop21, it is possible to choose among different training programs (Top body challenge 1, 2 and 3), including training sessions for pregnant women (Top body femmes enceintes) and for the post-partum (TBC post partum), a nutritional plan (Top body nutrition) and a cookbook (Top body menus). Additional training programs, nutritional plans and recipes are also available as App22 for Apple and Android: Sonia Body.
Sonia Tlev defines herself as the coach of 21st century women, who have a life, maybe children, but little spare time23. She has always practiced sport, since she was a child, obtaining even a regional golden medal for athletics at 1424. In her blog she states that in 2010 she discovered fitness and she was so fascinated she decided to share her passion and enthusiasm on social media, first with at-home workout tutorials and later commercializing her own training program25. Today she has a son and considers inspiring, helping and motivating other people as being her role on this planet26: the metaphors she uses are referred to women only, as clarified by Sonia Tlev’s own statement about being a women’s coach.

3. Findings
This chapter will present the results of the metaphor analysis, describing and exemplifying the gender-related conceptual metaphors found in the research corpus and illustrating differences and similarities amongst authors, across publication years and media: all examples from the corpus are listed in the Appendix.
The research findings displayed in this paper will not list and discuss all the metaphors spot through the analysis, but will rather focus on those conceptual metaphors the influencers systematically and repeatedly use, at least on one platform or over one year, as these metaphors represent the central thread which runs through the posts analyzed. Exceptionally used metaphors might be certainly considered for further analysis; however they do not help identifying traits generally associated with femaleness, as this paper intends to do.
The examples presented in this paper include several Anglicisms, which should not surprise, considering that the corpus consists of social media posts.

3.1 JOURNEY METAPHOR
3.1.1 Lucile Woodward's JOURNEY METAPHOR
Considering our daily experience, it should not surprise that practicing SPORT might be conceptualized as being on a JOURNEY: one of the effects of a regular workout is indeed a bodily CHANGE, whether an improvement of muscle tone or fat loss, which is commonly known as well as advertised. Within the analysis of the EVENT STRUCTURE metaphor, not only CHANGE is conceptualized as MOTION, but a more specific scenario is offered and schematized: Self-Initiated, Long-Term, Purposeful Change is a Journey (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:15).
Thus, self-initiated, long-term, purposeful sport practices, as those wished for and suggested by Lucile Woodward to her followers, are not only MOTION, but more precisely a JOURNEY: as sporting women chose to start practicing (self-initiated) on a regular base (long-term) for several specific reasons, e.g. self-acceptance, (purposeful), they START MOVING:
(1) On est toujours débutant à un moment donné. (ILW, 01/10/2016)27
This MOTION might be described as MOVING AWAY from a previous LOCATION characterized by bad unhealthy habits (exx. (2), (3)), but most of all it is a MOTION TOWARDS the DESTINATION of their JOURNEY, e.g. self-acceptance (ex. (4)) and a FORWARD MOVEMENT, as the references to PROGRESS indicate, both as verb (exx. (5), (6)) and substantive (exx. (7), (8), (9)).
As the TRAVELLER moves forward to the DESTINATION, the DISTANCE from the STARTING POINT increases (ex. (10): “On est bien loin de tout cela maintenant”) and SPORTING WOMEN are pictured as being on a PATH, having WAY AHEAD of them, towards their objectives (ex. (11): “votre chemin vers une meilleure acceptation de soi”), but also BEHIND them, representing what they have already achieved through their practice (ex. (12): “réalisez le chemin parcouru”).
On the other side, when the DESTINATION sporting women aim at is an objective that cannot be achieved as expected, this objective is described as MIRAGE:
(13) Le ventre plat en une semaine est un mirage […] (LWB, 16/05/2018)
In example (13) the SPORT OBJECTIVE, a flat abdomen, is a DESTINATION that cannot be reached in one week: within the JOURNEY metaphor, the ideas of illusion and unattainability represent the connection between the flat abdomen and the idea of MIRAGE, while realistic objectives are defined as “atteignables”, in line with the source domain DESTINATION, as in example (14).
Furthermore, the idea of MOTION OVER A PATH implies the concept of DURATION, meaning a reference to the TEMPORAL AXIS, “en une semaine” (ex. (19)), underlined using durative verbs, as in example (15):
(15) La 3e semaine est la plus dure. On le sait. On continue !! (FLW 26/05/2017)
Continuer entails also the idea of ENDURANCE, especially as used in a prompt related to the hardest week, “semaine […] la plus dure”: on the way towards their DESTINATION, SPORTING WOMEN might face difficulties, as stressed also in:
(16) À demain pour de nouvelles aventures sport et fitness. (ILW, 29/01/2017)
Here the substantive “aventures” does not contradict the idea of JOURNEY, but specifies it as possibly difficult and challenging, and yet interesting, as in Larousse28.
Thus, in this FORWARD MOVEMENT OVER A PATH, considering also the possible challenges, SPORTING WOMEN might need to adjust their PACE in order to reach their DESTINATION (ex. (17): “C’est en changeant les rythmes que l’on progresse […]”) or even to give up on PROGRESS, for example during PREGNANCY, seen as a sort of BREAK during the JOURNEY, as marked by the temporal preposition in (18): “Mais ce n’est pas pendant la grossesse que l’on progresse […]”.
Moreover, given the possible difficulties of the JOURNEY, TRAVELLERS might need the help of a GUIDE, meaning a SPORT COACH, who can share this adventurous journey experience with them (exx. (19), (20)), take on a more active role and lead the travel (exx. (21), (22)) and avoid SPORTING WOMEN falling down during their JOURNEY (ex. 23)).
Although TRAVELLERS might face difficulties on the PATH, the workout program proposed by the Lucile Woodward is described by the influencer as “accessible”, as in (24): the adjective brings to mind the concept of a ROUTE to reach the DESTINATION, represented in the example by the WORKOUT PROGRAMM.
Additional elements of the source domain JOURNEY can be also found in the use of expressions that are usually referred to VEHICLES, but in the posts relate to the human BODY:
(25) Faites le plein d’anti oxydants juste après, surtout pour éponger les effets toxiques de l’alcool. (BLW, 23/05/2017)
(26) Voici l’objectif de mon programme ! Vous amenez [sic, F.C.] vers l’acceptation de soi dans un corps en bonne santé. ((FLW, 02/05/2018)
As SPORTING WOMEN are conceptualized as TRAVELLERS, their BODY is seen as a VEHICLE to reach the DESTINATION, which explains also both the image of women having their own wings (ex. (27)) and the metonymy of their advancing heart and lungs (ex. (28)).
While in (25) a healthy nourishment, “anti oxydants”, is conceived as FUEL, in line with the idea of HUMAN BODY as CONTAINER, sport practice can also be understood as FUEL for the VEHICLE (ex. (29)), as workouts help SPORTING WOMEN to MOVE TOWARDS their SPORT OBJECTIVES.
The idea of the BODY as CONTAINER underpins also example (26), “dans un corps”, where the verb amener can be related to the metaphor of the SPORT COACH as a GUIDE for the JOURNEY, since here SPORTING WOMEN are not pictured as actively driving the VEHICLE, but rather as being carried to their DESTINATION, “vers l’acceptation de soi”, by the WORKOUT PROGRAM, so metonymically by the SPORT COACH.

3.1.2 WOMEN AS TRAVERLERS: WHAT IS FEMININE?
As illustrated in 3.1, Lucile Woodward’s posts convey the idea of SPORTING WOMEN being as TRAVELLERS ON A JORNEY, projecting specific aspects of the source domain, SPORT, onto the target domain, JOURNEY, while other aspects are hidden.
Lucile Woodward’s conceptualization of practicing SPORT as being on a JOURNEY includes indeed some specific aspects of the idea of JOURNEY: taking as example Larousse’s definition of voyage29, we can easily identify the major elements that shape the common concept of JOURNEY, meaning a TRAVELLER moves from a STARTING POINT and covers a PATH towards a DESTINATION, which might require an active involvement from the TRAVELLER, for example in case of walking or driving to a destination, or a passive displacement30, for example when TRAVELLING on a VEHICLE driven by somebody else. All these fundamental elements emerge also from the example illustrated in 3.1.1: SPORTING WOMEN are TRAVELLERS that leave their previous LOCATION, their bad unhealthy habits, and START MOVING over a PATH TOWARDS their DESTINATION, their SPORT OBJECTIVES, in their own BODIES, seen as VEHICLES. The movement from the STARTING POINT to the DESTINATION over a PATH implies also the idea of TIME needed to cover a certain DISTANCE, which is again to be found in the influencer’s posts.
On the other side, the common idea of JOURNEY might as well vary depending on the context and include additional aspects, e.g. the kind of PREPARATION to the journey, the presence and composition of a LUGGAGE, the necessity of actively choosing the ROUTES, the presence of travel COMPANIONS or GUIDES, the necessity of BREAKS during the JOURNEY, the idea of RETURN and the characterization of the JOURNEY itself, as pleasant, difficult, adventurous, boring etc. While WORKOUTS are pictured as ROUTES, the PREGNANCY as a BREAK and a SPORT COACH as a GUIDE, other elements do not emerge in the analyzed posts. As for a more specific description of the JOURNEY, the examples show how DIFFICULTY and CHALLENGE represent its main characteristics, expressed through the idea of ADVENTURE. In this sense FEMALE, as related to SPORTING WOMEN, is rather associated to ACTIVE through the idea of MOVEMENT TOWARDS A DESTINATION, rather than to PASSIVE, marginally expressed in the idea of a GUIDE, who is however also a woman: Lucile Woodward.
Furthermore, FEMALE is associated with VIGOROUS and MADE FOR EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY, as the JOURNEY SPORTING WOMEN embark on is a difficult and challenging experience: the fact that the idea of LUGGAGE and PREPARATION are not mentioned in the posts can also be understood as proof that WOMEN have already all they need to face hard times during the JOURNEY. The only help they get is the support of another woman, their SPORT COACH, who contributed to select the suitable ROUTES. Again, the necessity of slowing down and taking a TEMPORARY break on the PATH should not be understood as contradiction, as SPORTING WOMEN keep heading to their DESTINATION, in their Self-Initiated, Long-Term, Purposeful CHANGE.
Thus, it should not surprise that a RETURN JOURNEY is not mentioned at all, as on one side the LOCATION the TRAVELLERS left is a condition they don’t want to get back to and on the other side since SPORTING WOMEN are pictured in the posts as having all they need to reach their DESTINATION and never go back.

3.2 FIGHT METAPHOR
3.2.1. Lucile Woodward's FIGHT METAPHOR
In everyday life sport can be easily related to COMPETITION, in the sense of sporting contests and thus to further source domains as WAR or 1 ON 1 PHYSICAL AGGRESSION (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:66).
In Lucile Woodward’s posts SPORTING WOMEN certainly seem to FIGHT against EXTERNAL IMPEDIMENTS to their healthy lifestyle, described as ENEMIES (ex. (30)) to survive (ex. (31)), e.g. stress or holiday meals, but also against MISLEADING IDEAS about what to aim for, seen as a WEAPON ATTACK (ex. (32): “bombarde d’images”) or as a DICTATORSHIP (ex. (33): “la dictature du régime et de l’hyper minceur”).
SPORTING WOMEN are asked to take control of their nutrition style and to prove courage and perseverance, because this is what it takes to be in shape:
(34) Le but est de prendre vous-même le contrôle de votre alimentation, et non l’inverse. (LWB, 13/06/2018)
(35) Chacune s’est révélée plus courageuse, plus persévérante, plus exceptionnelle ! (ILW, 19/07/2018)
(36) Pour être en forme, il en faut du courage. (ILW, 21/07/2018)
Thus, the idea of SPORT shares specific elements with the concept of FIGHT31, as “ensemble des actions menées pour obtenir quelque chose, pour défendre une cause” (Larousse): in the case of Lucile Woodward´s corpus, what women aim at obtaining and defending is a HEALTHY SHAPE, achieved through healthy nutrition (ex. (37): “on se blinde de vitamine C et d’iode”) and sport practice (ex. (38): “pratiquer un sport régulier, à l’air pur autant que possible. Ainsi vous rendez votre système respiratoire plus résistant aux maladies”), which function like a MILITARY EQUIPMENT, strengthening their defense capabilities, and might also be related to other WINNINGS, e.g. elegance and confidence (ex. (39): “La pratique du fitness m'aide à gagner en élégance, en maintien, et en confiance en moi”).
In this sense, SPORTING WOMEN fighting for a HEALTHY SHAPE are defined as WARRIORS (ex. (40): “communauté de warrior”) and their BODY PARTS can metonymically be described as SOLDIERS (ex. (41): “globules blancs: les petits soldats anti virus et microbes du corps”).
Furthermore, in line with the conceptualization of the BODY as a CONTAINER and SPORTING WOMEN as WARRIORS, their BODY EXTERIOR is referred to as ARMOR (ex. (42): “un corps en acier”), while the BODY INTERIOR, e.g. bones and articulations, is something that needs to be protected (ex. (43)).
Within the SPORTING WOMEN as WARRIORS metaphor, women that fail to achieve their purpose could be commonly considered as weak and without value. However, Lucile Woodward encourages her warrior community to refuse these attributions, when related to unhealthy imperatives, such as not putting on much weight or practicing sport during pregnancy:
(44) Tu n’es pas une femme nulle si tu ne fais pas de crossfit enceinte. (BLW, 21/02/2018)
(45) La moyenne médicale de prise de poids pendant la grossesse c’est 9 à 12kg. Et ce n’est qu’une moyenne. Donc ok il y en a qui prennent 7 – 8, mais il y en a qui prennent 15 ou plus. Et ce n’est pas MAL. Vous n’êtes pas un échec … (BLW, 21/02/2018)
On one side these OBJECTIVES are not considered as healthy, on the other side, warriors are also human beings, so they shouldn't feel guilty if sometimes they cede:
(46) Si malgré tous ces conseils, il vous arrive de craquer : pas de culpabilité ! Déjà parce que vous êtes humaine [sic, F.C.] [...] (BLW, 13/06/2018)
As the verb craquer is referred to SPORTING WOMEN, it is possible to identify a metonymical relation to the BODY as ARMOR metaphor, with WOMEN being the WHOLE for the PART BODY.
Even if SPORTING WOMEN clearly need to fight against EXTERNAL IMPEDIMENTS to a healthy lifestyle, Lucile Woodward's posts indicate as well an INTERNAL FIGHT, not only in the sense of impediments coming from the human body, e.g. period pain preventing women from working out (ex. (47)), but also as WOMEN might see their own BODY as an ENEMY (ex. (48)).
Nevertheless, no matter if the IMPEDIMENTS originate in the human body, in misleading ideas or life situations, SPORTING WOMEN have to FIGHT against all this showing COURAGE and ENDURANCE, in order to OBTAIN and DEFEND their HEALTHY SHAPE.

3.2.2 Stessie Littlebirds' FIGHT METAPHOR
Stessie Littlebirds mentions in her blog a few statements that motivate her, as she declares, which are clearly related to the concept of FIGHT:
(49) De citation à proprement parler non je n’en ai pas, par contre j’aime beaucoup me motiver avec quelques petites phrases comme « toujours se battre et ne jamais abandonner », « surpasses-toi ou tes ennemis souriront de ta défaite » ou bien encore je me rappelle sans cesse que si je ne me bats pas toutes les personnes qui doutent de moi auront gains de satisfaction et c’est juste inimaginable. (BSL, 25/02/2016)
Thus, she also motivates her own followers encouraging them to fight (exx. (50), (51), (52)) and not to give up (exx. (53), (54)), as well as to stand up and advance, as in a FIGHT (ex. (55)).
In fact, in order to change their bodies, SPORTING WOMEN need to act as WARRIORS and prove their ENDURANCE (ex. (56): “Il va falloir redoubler d’efforts, tenir bon”), because the same idea of LOSING WEIGHT is also conceptualized as FIGHT:
(57) Que ce soit d’un point de vue esthétique mais surtout pour ma santé. Contrairement à ce que l’on pourrait penser, ce n’est pas une chose facile de prendre du poids. Comme tous objectifs c’est un combat d’aujourd’hui, de demain et bien plus encore. (BSL, 18/08/2016)
In this sense, PERFORMANCE IMPROVEMENT in SPORT PRACTICE can be seen as ADVANCE: while in Lucile Woodward's posts PROGRESS is conceptualized within a JOURNEY metaphor as FORWARD MOVEMENT to a DESTINATION, as seen in 3.1.1, within Stessie Littlebirds' FIGHT METAPHOR, this ADVANCE should rather be understood as ADVANCE on a BATTLEFIELD, as in (55).
This explains why the influencer describes her own shape as not being the most glorious, when her body is not advancing:
(58) Alors non en ce moment je n'ai pas la shape des plus glorieuse [sic, F.C.] mais je sais que j'ai été capable de bien mieux, et dès que j'aurais remis la machine en route je sais que je ferais encore mieux […] (ISL, 08/12/2016)
Even if in other examples the concept of ADVANCE is not furtherly specified as being referred to a fight (ex. (59)), the adjective “gloriouse”, in (58), clearly implies the idea of SPORTING WOMEN as WARRIORS.
Thus, as she states in her blog, Stessie Littlebirds likes when female athletes are portrayed as WARRIORS:
(60) La première photo que j’ai vue d’elle c’était avec cela et j’ai trouvé cela tellement cool. Elle est jolie et pourtant elle fait si forte et guerrière à la fois. J’aime énormément ! […] La première photo que j’ai vue d’elle c’est avec une arme. Vous devez vous dire que je suis complètement folle. Mais je trouve que cela colle tellement avec l’image de la femme guerrière. Je suis totalement fan. (BSL, 18/02/2017)
and encourages her followers to behave as WARRIORS, using what hurts them to get stronger (ex. (61)).
In her case, the ENEMY hurting her were several miscarriages and a boyfriend breaking up with her32, so again both EXTERNAL OCCURRENCES and OCCURRENCES related to her BODY, as for Lucile Woodward. On the other side, other people's words and gazes can also hurt and be pictured as ENEMIES that can hurt (ex. (62)).
Although analyzing Lucile Woodward’s and Stessie Littlebirds’ posts a shared idea of SPORTING WOMEN being WARRIORS emerges across years and media platforms, the above-mentioned examples show a substantial difference.
In Lucile Woodward's posts, SPORT is conceptualized as a FIGHT to OBTAIN and DEFEND a HEALTHY SHAPE: WOMEN, as WARRIORS, might need to face several INTERNAL and EXTERNAL OCCURRENCES, e.g. period pain or stress, threatening their healthy lifestyle, but these are not considered as a trigger for the FIGHT.
On the other side, Stessie Littlebirds is rather using sport as a THERAPY, as she wrote in a blog post dating 201533, in order to react against EXTERNAL OCCURENCES and start feeling better, which implies a clear connection to the metaphor TREATING ILLNESSES IS A FIGHT (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:176): SPORT, as a THERAPY TREATING EMOTIONAL PAIN, is conceptualized as FIGHT and WOMEN, facing EXTERNAL OCCURRENCES with the help of SPORT, are conceptualized as WARRIORS.

3.2.3 WOMEN AS WARRIORS: WHAT IS FEMININE?
Both Lucile Woodward and Stessie Littlebirds recur to the metaphor PRACTING SPORT is FIGHTING and conceptualize SPORTING WOMEN as WARRIORS: although the metaphorical mapping has a different background, as illustrated in 3.2.2, in both cases fundamental elements of the concept of FIGHT are projected onto the SPORT PRACTICE.
Lucile Woodward's warrior community, as she defines her followers, are endowed with ENDURANCE and use SPORT PRACTICE and HEALTHY NUTRITION as a MILITARY EQUIPEMENT: thus, the influencer's conceptualization of FIGHT acquires rather the aspects of a DEFENSE against EXTERNAL and INTERNAL OCCURRENCES and ENEMIES.
In Stessie Littlebirds’ posts EXTERNAL OCCURRENCES trigger the need for SPORT, conceptualized as THERAPY and consequently linked to the concept of FIGHT: SPORTING WOMEN, as WARRIORS, react to these external threats and FIGHT for their WELL BEING: in order to ADVANCE towards their victory, they need to be endowed with ENDURANCE, so that they don't give up and can prove their value.
In this sense, as for the Lucile Woodward's JOURNEY metaphor, in Stessie Littlebirds' posts, the source domain FIGHT can as well be ascribed to a more general PATH METAPHOR: from a STARTING POINT, characterized by unpleasant the presence of ENEMIES, the SUBJECT, the WARRIOR, MOVES through several OCCURRENCES towards an END POINT, the VICTORY, in accordance with the idea of SPORT as THERAPY.
Seen the different background of the two influencers, as illustrated in 2.2.1 and 2.2.2, it should not surprise that different aspects of the same source domain, FIGHT, are projected onto the target domain SPORT: as a qualified entrepreneur who is successfully conciliating family and career, Lucile Woodward focuses on a work-life balance, which she considers important also for her followers, hence giving priority to the defense and preservation of all the fundamental elements of a healthy lifestyle.
On the other side, for Stessie Littlebirds sport has been a way to overcome a difficult situation and find a new balanced lifestyle, which justifies the propensity for a PATH conceptualization:
(63) La route est longue, avec des obstacles mais le travail paie toujours! (ISL, 12/11/2017).
In both cases, the FIGHT metaphors, similarly to the JOURNEY metaphor, counteract the traditional dichotomies, since FEMININE is again associated with ACTIVE, as SPORTING WOMEN react to EXTERNAL and INTERNAL OCCURRENCES and PROGRESS TOWARDS their OBJECTIVES. Moreover, considering that the FIGHT requires ENDURANCE from the WARRIOR, FEMININE is evidently connected with VIGOROUS and with MADE FOR EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY.

3.3 CONSTRUCTION METAPHOR
3.3.1 Stessie Littlebirds' FIGHT METAPHOR
Beside the FIGHT metaphor, Stessie Littlebirds' posts reveal a further conceptualization of SPORT: picturing BODY as a BUILDING, in line with Lakoff (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:192), the influencer describes her sport practice as a CONSTRUCTION WORK (ex. (64): “je me suis dessinée, creuser [sic, F.C.] ” and (65): “éviter [sic, F.C.] d’avoir un trop gros déséquilibre entre les muscles du dos et les pectoraux. .- Dessiner le décolter [sic, F.C.]”) and BODY PARTS as ELEMENTS OF A BUILDING (ex. (66): “la construction des muscles” and (67): “épaules qui sont magnifiquement dessinées”), which can consequently be made out of concrete (ex. (68): “des abdos en béton”).
SPORTING WOMEN are expected to take the lead of the CONSTRUCTION of their own BODY (ex. (69): “maître de votre corps”) and to work on it in their SPORT PRACTICE (ex. (70): “Maintenant au boulot”).
The idea of BODIES/PEOPLE as BUILDINGS is extended also to a Stessie Littlebirds' personal situation without sport practice, when she felt empty, extinguished and destroyed (ex. (71)), a ruined BUILDING she could reconstruct practicing SPORT (ex. (72)).
Within this CONSTRUCTION metaphor, expressions like “base de votre transformation” (ex. (73)), referred to nutrition, or “structure d’entraînement la plus adaptée” (ex. (74)) confirm the idea of SPORTING WOMEN WORKING on their own BODIES as CONTRUCTORS/BUILDERS. Therefore, PRACTING SPORT is CONSTRUCTING, but can be also metonymycally defined as CONSTRUCTION ELEMENT, e.g. a pillar (ex. (75)).
In the process of constructing, SPORTING WOMEN should not forget the importance of BALANCE and, as BUILDERS in charge of their own BODIES, they shouldn't stop training during their periods, as underlined in (76) by the durative verb continuer, implying again a reference to women's ENDURANCE:
(76) Premièrement, est-ce que je continue de m’entraîner ? Bien sûr ! Cependant toutes les femmes n’ont pas les mêmes douleurs, les mêmes symptômes prémenstruels (maux de ventre, humeur massacrante, la fatigue etc) donc il faut trouver son équilibre. (BSL, 24/08/2016)

3.3.2 WOMEN AS CONSTRUCTORS/BUILDERS: WHAT IS FEMININE?
Starting from a well-based metaphor that conceptualizes BODY as a BUILDING, Stessie Littlebirds pictures SPORTING WOMEN as BUILDERS that work on their BODIES both focusing on ELEMENTS of the BUILDING (BODY PARTS) and on the BUILDING as a WHOLE, without forgetting that the CONSTRUCTION PROCESS regards also their MENTAL WELL-BEING, as not only BODIES but PEOPLE in general, and metonymically their components, can be considered as BUILDINGS. Fundamental STRUCTURAL ELEMENTS in this process are both TRAINING, with should be regularly practiced with ENDURANCE, and NUTRITION.
Coherently with Stessie Littlebirds' idea of SPORT as a FIGHT, the CONSTRUCTION domain can also be ascribed to a more general PATH METAPHOR, in which the SUBJECT, the BUILDER, proactively moves from a STARTING POINT towards an END POINT: WOMEN PRACTICING SPORT are therefore conceptualized as ACTIVE and, if we take into account the side references to the ENDURANCE needed in the process, as VIGOROUS. Furthermore, the idea of FEMININE is also related to HARD and SOLID, as SPORTING WOMEN work on a BUILDING nobody can destroy.
Nevertheless, in line with the idea of SPORT as THERAPY, women might still be associated with LABILE, whenever they do not practice sport or before they start training, as they can be affected by EXTERNAL OCCURENCES and even destroyed.
Again, the influencer's personal experience seems to affect her conceptualization of SPORT and thereby the aspects of the source domain projected onto the target domain: the fact that no idea of COLLABORATION, SUPPORT or TEAM WORK is mentioned, even though CONTRUCTION WORK is definitely not a one-person activity, relates again to the idea of SPORT as THERAPY, a healing process that the patient undergoes alone, supported only by counseling.
Thus, even though the THERAPY metaphor is not explicitly used in the posts analyzed, it is possible to notice that this source domain affects the aspects of the source domain CONSTRUCTION that are highlighted and projected onto the target domain SPORT: SPORTING WOMEN cover what seems to be an INDIVIDUAL PATH, which underlies the association between FEMININE and ACTIVE/VIGOROUS. Stessie Littlebirds motivates her followers to cover this PATH, the same that helped her, but no post in the analyzed corpus conveys the idea of the influencer considering herself as a THERAPIST, which can be related to her biography: unlike Lucile Woodward, that pictures herself as a GUIDE on the PATH, Stessie Littlebirds is not a qualified and experienced training coach, but a passionate sportswoman and a successful influencer.

3.4 SYSTEM METAPHORS
3.4.1 RELIGION METAPHOR
The idea of RESISTING A TEMPTATION as related to trash food or to chill out instead of working out is not new: also Lucile Woodard refers to it in her posts (ex. (77)). However, Sonia Tlev goes further and systematically uses expressions related to religion: as seen in 2.2.3, she thinks that inspiring, helping and motivating other people is her role on this planet, her vocation (ex. (78)); thus, she pictures herself as a GURU for SPORTING WOMEN, a SPORT COACH that helps women, listens to them, advises and reassures them, creates a community in which people help each other, exactly like a GURU (ex. (79)), giving women messages of hope, support and strength (ex. (80)).
SPORTING WOMEN are referred to as DISCIPLES/BELIEVERS following her: they need to accept themselves as they are (ex. (81): “s’assumer dès le départ”), without being ashamed (ex. (82) “N’ayez pas honte”), but through SPORT PRACTICE they have to become a better version of themselves (ex. (83)), they have to improve (ex. (84) : “pour s’améliorer par la suite”), till they get the body of a goddess (ex. (85)).
The idea of becoming the BETTER VERSION OF ONESELF crosses all analyzed years and social media platforms (exx. (86), (87)) and is in some cases connected to other source domains, e.g. CONSTRUCTION (exx. (88) “Construisez votre MEILLEURE VERSION” and (89): “on construit son body fort, résistant”) or JOURNEY (ex. (90): “pour créer votre parcours jusqu’à votre meilleure version”).
The reference to other source domains, which are interestingly shared by the other two influencers, should not be understood as an absence of systematicity: the analysis clearly illustrated that the RELIGION source domain, together with the SCHOOL source domain illustrated in 3.4.2, dominates Sonia Tlev's posts. However, these minor metaphors can be seen as corresponding to the idea of PATH, as FOLLOWING A RELIGION can be also viewed.
PRACTICING SPORT is indeed conceptualized as FOLLOWING A RELIGION, respecting religious commandments (exx. (91), (92)), following evangelical messages, e.g. loving themselves (ex. (93)), stop being sad and hesitating (ex. (94)) and don't listen when others make them doubt (ex. (95)), as women are their own judges (ex. (96)). Moreover, as in the case of RELIGION, SPORT should not be viewed as a trend, but as a way of life (ex. (97)).
SPORTING WOMEN, as DISCIPLES, as asked to believe (exx. (98), (99), (100)), since everything is possible to those who believe34 (ex. (101)) and WOMEN are capable of big things35 (ex. (102)).
As DISCIPLES and BELIEVERS, SPORTING WOMEN are described as unique (ex. (103) and (104)), but also as members of a (religious) COMMUNITY, where women help each other, are generous (ex. (105)) and seem stronger when staying together (ex. (106)).
Even if UNHEALTHY FOOD is pictured as a SIN (ex. (107): “votre péché mignon pendant votre grossesse”), which SPORTING WOMEN need to remedy (ex. (108): “ou pour remédier aux petits excès des fêtes”), a regular SPORT PRACTICE allows also some exceptional little pleasures that would otherwise be blamed, which can be enjoyed without feeling guilty (exx. (109), (110), (111)). Therefore, if SPORTING WOMEN FOLLOW SPORT PRACTICE as A RELIGION making the right choices (ex. (112)), they will not regret the results (ex. (113)).
However, the SPORT/RELIGIOUS PRACTICE is not easy and requires DISCIPLES to be brave and perseverant, to stand pain and difficulties:
(114) N'ayez pas peur de la difficulté, ne culpabilisez pas au moindre échec, c'est la vie c'est comme ça!! (IST, 03/04/2018)
(115) La douleur et les difficultés que vous avez aujourd’hui deviendront force et honneur DEMAIN ! (FST, 23/07/2018)
Here, several references to another source domain emerge (difficulty, fear, failure, pain, strength and honor): the concept of FIGHT underlies the need for ENDURANCE, as RELIGIOUS PRACTICE might be seen as an INTERNAL FIGHT, in line with the idea of ASPECTS OF THE SELF as DISTINCT INDIVIDUALS (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:209). Consequently, SPORTING WOMEN, as DISCIPLES, might need to ignore their own inner voice (ex. (116)) and create a strong mind, made of steel, reference that implies the idea of the MIND as an ARMOR (ex. (117): “mental d’acier”).
Briefly, as DISCIPLES that FOLLOW A RELIGION, SPORTING WOMEN FIGHT an INTERNAL conflict in order to become a BETTER VERSION of themselves: in this context, the SPORT COACH plays a fundamental role as a GURU, inspiring women to BELIEVE, to make prove of ENDURANCE and to help each other as part of a COMMUNITY.
In this sense, women are conceptualized as part of a TRADITIONAL SYSTEM, RELIGION, in which they still BELONG BELOW, as they need to follow a set of COMMANDMENTS coming FROM ABOVE.
Nevertheless, as they FIGHT against SIN and GUILT, as long as they stay within this SYSTEM and follow the RELIGION, they prove to be ACTIVE, VIGOROUS, HARD and SOLID (as steel), as well as MADE FOR EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY.
Furthermore, the ideas of SIN and GUILT imply a reference to the dichotomy PURITY/IMPURITY, which is however not related to the opposition FEMININE/MASCULINE, but to a contrast between WOMEN that PRACTICE SPORT or do not FOLLOW this RELIGION.

3.4.2 SCHOOL METAPHOR
As mentioned in 3.4.1, another metaphor characterizes Sonia Tlev's posts, the idea that PRACTICING SPORT is ATTENDING A SCHOOL: her followers are required to work out regularly, as PUPILS ATTENDING A SCHOOL are required to do their homework.
The influencer proposes a SPORT PROGRAM to women, through which the connection between WORKOUTS, seen as task to accomplish, and EXERCISES is easily created: on one side, TRAINING SESSIONS are SCHOOL SESSIONS that should not be missed in order to have results (exx. (118), (119), (120)) or should at least be caught up (exx. (121), (122)), as they are compulsory (ex. (123): “LE CARDIO EST OBLIGATOIRE”). On the other side, WORKOUTS are also seen as HOMEWORK that should be done as well during HOLIDAYS (ex. (124)), since PRACTING SPORT requires DILIGENCE:
(125) Et le mot challenge, car oui c’est un entraînement sportif qui demande de la rigueur, de la volonté, vous ne pouvez pas vous mentir, vous devez apporter 100% de vous-même et laisser les excuses derrière vous, pour une réussite à la hauteur de votre volonté. (BST, N.A.)
Therefore, SPORTING WOMEN are required to be disciplined (exx. (126), (127)) and have to look for effective training methods, not easy ones (ex. (128)).
As PUPILS, they have to fix their objectives and improve their performance and their results till they reach them:
(129) Fixez vous [sic, F.C.] des OBJECTIFS ! (BST, 04/01/2017)
(130) Un concentré d’énergie et de musiques motivantes pour bouger et booster vos performances. (BST, 25/03/2016)
In order for this to happen, they have to understand their bodies and learn to have a balanced nutrition plan, verbs that imply again a reference to SCHOOL (ex. (131)). Just like SCHOOL, Sonia Tlev's SPORT PROGRAM allows some breaks (ex. (132): “Il est tout à fait permis de s’offrir des pauses”), but it envisages a set of rules to follow (ex. (133): “règles pour réussir”).
Within the SCHOOL metaphor, the SPORT COACH is pictured as a TEACHER, who motivates her PUPILS (ex. (134): “motive afin qu’ils arrivent au maximum de leur potentiel”), but also punishes them when needed (ex. (135): “pour vous botter le popotin”). Together, TEACHER and PUPILS can throw away useless books and open a new chapter (ex. (136)), coherently with the idea that LIFE IS A BOOK (cf. Lakoff/Espenson/Schwartz 1991:186), which might be as well related to the conceptualization of SPORTING WOMEN as PUPILS.
The SCHOOL metaphor can be also ascribed to a more general idea of PATH, as DISCIPLINED PUPILS MOVE FORWARD TOWARDS their OBJECTIVES. However, as they need to follow a set of RULES coming FROM ABOVE, this idea of PATH is placed within a TRADITIONAL SYSTEM, as for the RELIGION metaphor, in which there seem to be no action freedom, apart from the minor possibility of taking a short BREAK from time to time.
Thus, FEMININE is again ACTIVE and VIGOROUS, as SPORTING WOMEN are conceptualized as disciplined PUPILS that accomplish their duties also in difficult situations. Nevertheless, out of this SCHOOL SYSTEM and without the severe guidance of a TEACHER, women would probably neglect their homework (sport practice) and not proactively reach their objectives, which confirms the traditional association FEMINE/PASSIVE/LABILE.

3.4.3 WOMEN IN A SYSTEM: WHAT IS FEMININE?
Even if Sonia Tlev’s source domains can be also somehow associated with the idea of PATH, they drastically differ from those found analyzing the other two influencers, since RELIGION and SCHOOL represent TRADITIONAL SYSTEMS in which the SUBJECT can PROGRESS and EVOLVE only following a set of RULES coming FROM ABOVE. It is important to note that, in both cases, sporting women need to prove ENDURANCE/DISCIPLINE, meaning they are pictured as both ACTIVE and VIGOROUS/MADE FOR EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY. However, they still BELONG BELOW, in the sense that they are given RULES FROM ABOVE: considering that Sonia Tlev defines herself as a source of inspiration and motivation for women (cf. 2.2.3), these RULES are not necessarily male-defined, nor the systems male-dominated. Nevertheless, it is interesting to mention that, in line with traditional stereotypes, women are still pictured as in need of external guide and support, just like pupils and disciples.
Moreover, the RELIGION metaphor implies a reference to the dichotomy PURITY/IMPURITY, not in the sense of an opposition between MASCULINE and FEMININE, but in terms of GUILT, related to sporting women who are not following a sport program. The idea of GUILT marginally emerges also in Lucile Woodward's posts (ex. (46)), but in Sonia Tlev's conceptualization, GUILT plays a fundamental role, as essential element of the source domain RELIGION, through which it is associated to the concept of IMPURITY.

4. Conclusion and possibilities for future research
After analyzing a corpus of 150 Internet posts written by French speaking female sport influencers, it is possible to answer the four research questions presented in the introduction, keeping in mind that the results presented are related to the specified context of analysis.
(I) Five different gender-related metaphors could be identified: women practicing sport are ON A JOURNEY, FIGHTING, CONSTRUCTING, FOLLOWING A RELIGION and ATTENDING A SCHOOL. These metaphors can be defined as gender-specific as the influencers are explicitly or implicitly writing for sporting women, even if a minor percentage of male readers cannot be excluded. These five metaphors seem different at first sight, but the source domains share specific aspects: JOURNEY, FIGHT and CONSTRUCTION, can be considered PATH METAPHORS, as from a STARTING POINT the SUBJECT MOVES towards an END POINT and is required to make prove of ENDURANCE.
While Stessie Littlebird's conceptualization of FIGHT is clearly linked to the idea of PATH, through the SPORT as THERAPY metaphor, Lucile Woodward's idea of FIGHT is rather seen as a DEFENSE, but still makes ENDURANCE necessary.
As for the other two source domains, RELIGION and SCHOOL, the idea of PATH is framed within traditional systems, in which the SUBJECT needs to follow RULES given FROM ABOVE in order to IMPROVE. However, similarities with the other source domains can still be found, as RELIGION implies an INNER FIGHT and as both REGLIOUS practice and SCHOOL attendance demand ENDURANCE.
(III) Given that the above-mentioned metaphors are referred to women, meaning they are gender-specific, it is possible to identify which traits are assigned to FEMININE through these metaphors: the analyzed source domains conceptualize sporting women as ACTIVE/VIGOROUS/HARD/SOLID/REACTIVE TO EFFORT AND DIFFICULTY, as they progress towards a goal, they resist and overcome impediments, react to either EXTERNAL (JOURNEY, FIGHT, CONSTRUCTION) or INTERNAL (FIGHT, RELIGION, SCHOOL) difficulties.
However, Sonia Tlev’s source domains, RELIGION and SCHOOL, place women within traditional systems, underlining women’s need for guidance and control: if for Lucile Woodward a sport coach is a guide during her journey, Sonia Tlev goes much further and presents women as in need for external rules, commandments and punishments. In this sense FEMININE still BELONGS BELOW, as in Melnick’s dichotomies, and the above-mentioned traits are subjected to the existence of an external control: this implies that, without a given set of strict rules, Sonia Tlev’s women would be pictured as PASSIVE/LANGUID/SOFT/LABILE/MADE FOR EASE, even if this external control is not described as MASCULINE, since Sonia Tlev presents herself as guru. Sonia Tlev also recurs to the dichotomy PURITY/IMPURITY, again not in the sense of opposition between MASCULINE and FEMININE, but rather as related to a feeling of guilt, which rises when the given rules are broken.
(II) Although an exhaustive analysis of all traditional gender-related dichotomies is not possible, due to contextual restrictions, the above-mentioned traits show a clear attitude of the influencers towards gender-related stereotypes. The correlations proposed by Lucile Woodward and Stessie Littlebirds definitely counteract the traditional dichotomies: even if the traits assigned to MASCULINE and FEMININE cannot be considered as reversed, since the analyzed metaphors refer to sporting women only, those assigned to women clearly do not reflect traditional dichotomies.
As for Sonia Tlev’s posts, a significant difference emerges, since FEMININE is still linked with BELONGS BELOW, as in the traditional constellation, although the influencer does not define ABOVE as MASCULINE, which represents a substantial discrepancy with Melnick’s oppositional system. Even though the association FEMININE/BELONGS BELOW implies a connection to LANGUID, Tlev’s metaphors still conceptualize women as capable of action and reaction, thus differing from Melnick’s dichotomies.
(IV) Seeing herself as a sort of guru for sporting women, Sonia Tlev pictures women as in need for strict guidance and support, thus appealing to a more traditional conception of FEMININE, which underpins her posts and differs from the associations implied by the other two influencers. Lucile Woodward and Stessie Littlebirds constantly underline women’s own strength and their ability to find their own way: this tendency should not surprise, as it is in line with their personal experience, meaning that of a successful entrepreneur, Lucile Woodward, (cf. 2.2.1), and of a sporting woman who managed to overcome personal difficulties through sport, Stessie Littlebirds (cf. 2.2.2).
Briefly, on one side social media clearly help redefining gender-related traits, as women can choose and control how they present themselves and, avoiding external ascriptions, they can convey new ideas of FEMININE that counteract traditional dichotomies. However, on the other side, this change is still in process and classical stereotypes marginally persist even in women’s own imagery and communication strategy, meaning in their self-ascription, showing that traditional gender-related traits are not exclusively externally ascribed.
This paper offers one of many possible analyses related to gender-metaphors in sport and social media and opens a way for further investigation in the metaphor analysis, which would require supplementary corpora. On one side it would be certainly interesting to verify which traits are assigned to MASCULINE through metaphors across social media and if and how they differ from traditional stereotypes. On the other side, further corpora would also allow to investigate if and how the metaphors identified and described in this work can be spotted on other platforms and media, during other time periods, for other languages and influencers. Furthermore, as different media give different opportunities to control one’s self-presentation, additional analyses could focus on the differences between self and external ascription of gender-related traits and on their relation to media usage.

5. References:
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Lakoff, George/Espenson, Jane/Schwartz, Alan (1991): Master metaphor list. Second draft copy. Cognitive Linguistics Group. University of California Berkeley, in: http://araw.mede.uic.edu/~alansz/metaphor/METAPHORLIST.pdf (19.04.2018).
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Lebel, Katie/Danylchuk, Karen (2012): „How Tweet It Is: A Gendered Analysis of Professional Tennis Players’ Self-Presentation on Twitter“, in: International journal of sport communication 5, 461-480.
Litosseliti, Lia (2006): Gender & language: Theory and practice, London: Hodder Education.
Melnick, Burton (1999): „Cold hard world \ warm soft mommy: Gender and metaphors of hardness, softness, coldness, and warmth“, in: PSYART: A Hyperlink Journal for the Psychological Study of the Art, http://psyartjournal.com/article/show/melnick-cold_hard_world_warm_soft_... (19.04.2018).
Pragglejaz Group (2007): „MIP: A Method for Identifying Metaphorically Used Words in Discourse“, in: Metaphor and Symbol 22(1), 1-39.
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Sanderson, Jimmy (2013). „Stepping into the (social media) game: Building athlete identity via Twitter“, in Luppicini, Rocci (ed.): Handbook of research on technoself: Identity in a technological society, New York: IGI Global, 419–438.
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6. Corpus:

Lucile Woodward
ILW= Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/lucilewoodward/?hl=de (01/08/2018)
BLW= Blog: https://lucilewoodward.com/ (31/07/2018)
FLW=Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pg/Lucile-Woodward-255082411199104/posts/?ref=p... (01/08/2018)

Stessie Littlebirds
ISL= Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/s.littlebirds/?hl=fr (26/07/2018)
BSL= Blog: http://lavisionrauz.com/ (01/08/2018)
FSL= Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/lavisionrauz/ (30/07/2018)

Sonia Tlev:
IST1= Instagram / Personal account: https://www.instagram.com/soniatlev/?hl=de (30/07/2018)
IST2= Instagram / Fitness account: https://www.instagram.com/Soniatlevfitness/?hl=de → Fitness Account (30/07/2018)
BST= Blog: https://soniatlev.fr/ (01/08/2018)
FST= Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/soniatlevfitness/ (30/07/2018)

Appendix:

(1) On est toujours débutant à un moment donné. (ILW, 01/10/2016)
(2) Vous avez le pouvoir de vous détacher de vos mauvaises habitudes […] (ILW, 30/03/2018).
(3) L'addiction au sucre, à la nourriture, au grignotage... Vous pouvez progressivement vous en détacher. Détachez vous [sic, F.C.] ! Envolez-vous !! Rejoignez ma lame de fond […] (ILW, 30/03/2018).
(4) Où en êtes-vous aujourd'hui ? Vers une meilleure acceptation de vous-même ? (FLW, 24/06/2018)
(5) On peut tout à fait avoir un sport de prédilection, où l’on progresse et où l’on s’éclate. (BLW, 23/05/2018)
(6) Elle progresse!! Elle progresse vraiment alors qu’elle continue à vivre normalement malgré sa remise en forme. (BLW,10/11/2016)
(7) Et notre progression semble déranger certains […] (FLW, 20/11/2016).
(8) Alors soyez fière de vous, de vos progrès et de ce corps qui vous fait vivre tant de choses. (ILW, 12/06/2018)
(9) C’est en étant bien informée qu’on peut se fixer les bons objectifs, faire les progrès qu’on attendait, etc. (BLW, 16/05/2018)
(10) Et bien regardez comme elle prend goût au sport et au healthy ! Pourtant ce n’était pas gagné !! Elle qui râlait des les 3 premiers squats … Hahaha !! On est bien loin de tout cela maintenant ! […] (BLW, 10/11/2016)
(11) Mon programme vous a-t-il aidé dans votre chemin vers une meilleure acceptation de soi ? (FLW, 30/06/2018)
(12) Relisez votre lettre à vous-même et réalisez le chemin parcouru (FLW, 24/06/2018).
(13) Le ventre plat en une semaine est un mirage […] (BLW, 16/05/2018).
(14) Et surtout si on se fixe des objectifs atteignables ! (BLW, 23/05/2017)
(15) La 3e semaine est la plus dure. On le sait. On continue !! (FLW, 26/05/2017)
(16) À demain pour de nouvelles aventures sport et fitness. (ILW, 29/01/2017)
(17) C’est en changeant les rythmes que l’on progresse et que l’on aide son corps à toujours s’adapter. (BLW, 23/05/2018)
(18) Mais ce n’est pas pendant la grossesse que l’on progresse, que l’on s’entraîne, que l’on garde son niveau “d’avant”. (BLW, 21/02/2018)
(19) J’ai encore une fois adoré partager et vivre cette aventure avec vous, voir vos résultats et vos évolutions. (FLW, 24/06/2018)
(20) Je reste là pour vous accompagner sur le long terme !! (ILW, 24/10/2017)
(21) […] j’ai trouvé que ces connaissances étaient vraiment indispensables pour guider des femmes enceintes dans une activité physique […] (BLW, 21/02/2018).
(22) Et si vous vous laissiez totalement guider ? (FLW, 04/12/2016)
(23) Je suis là ! Avec vous ! Je ne vais pas vous laisser tomber en si bon chemin. (ILW, 24/10/2017)
(24) Programme d'été ACCESSIBLE À TOUS ! (FLW, 19/05/2018)
(25) Faites le plein d’anti oxydants juste après, surtout pour éponger les effets toxiques de l’alcool. (BLW, 23/05/2017)
(26) Voici l’objectif de mon programme ! Vous amenez [sic, F.C.] vers l’acceptation de soi dans un corps en bonne santé. (FLW, 02/05/2018)
(27) C’est le moment de voler de vos propres ailes, de vous révéler et d'être fières de vous. (FLW, 24/06/2018)
(28) Ou du fractionné ultra hard core qui pique de temps en temps pour faire progresser le coeur et les poumons. (BLW, 23/05/2018)
(29) Il faut mélanger renforcement musculaire et cardio. (BLW, 16/05/2018)
(30) Le manque de sommeil provoque du stress et donne faim. Deux ennemis de la forme en hiver. On grignote, on se démotive, on prend du poids […] (BLW, 15/11/2017).
(31) Survivre aux fêtes : mes 6 conseils de coach. Oui, ça arrive dans 10 – 12 jours, et oui, ça va faire exploser les crans de ceinture !!! (BLW, 23/05/2017)
(32) Aujourd’hui on nous bombarde d’images de corps photoshopés. (ILW, 12/06/2018).
(33) Et oui parce que moi aussi je l’ai vécu, vers 18 - 20 ans, la dictature du régime et de l’hyper minceur. (BLW, 10/11/2016)
(34) Le but est de prendre vous-même le contrôle de votre alimentation, et non l’inverse. (BLW, 13/06/2018)
(35) Chacune s’est révélée plus courageuse, plus persévérante, plus exceptionnelle ! (ILW, 19/07/2018)
(36) Pour être en forme, il en faut du courage. (ILW, 21/07/2018)
(37) Ensuite, pour favoriser le développement du système immunitaire, on se blinde de vitamine C et d’iode. (BLW, 15/11/2017)
(38) Je vous encourage à pratiquer un sport régulier, à l’air pur autant que possible. Ainsi vous rendez votre système respiratoire plus résistant aux maladies. (BLW, 15/11/2017)
(39) La pratique du fitness m'aide à gagner en élégance, en maintien, et en confiance en moi. (FLW, 26/01/2016)
(40) Trop fière de cette communauté de warrior […] (ILW, 19/07/2018).
(41) Le sport accélère la circulation sanguine et augmente la production de globules blancs : les petits soldats anti virus et microbes du corps. (BLW, 15/11/2017)
(42) […] on profite de l’eau fraîche et de ses bienfaits drainants pour se refaire un moral et un corps en acier […] (BLW, 04/07/2018).
(43) Par exemple le foot + la natation pour protéger les os et les articulation [sic, F.C.], et assouplir le bassin. (BLW, 23/05/2018)
(44) Tu n’es pas une femme nulle si tu ne fais pas de crossfit enceinte. (BLW, 21/02/2018)
(45) La moyenne médicale de prise de poids pendant la grossesse c’est 9 à 12kg.
Et ce n’est qu’une moyenne. Donc ok il y en a qui prennent 7 – 8, mais il y en a qui prennent 15 ou plus. Et ce n’est pas MAL. Vous n’êtes pas un échec … (BLW, 21/02/2018).
(46) Si malgré tous ces conseils, il vous arrive de craquer : pas de culpabilité ! Déjà parce que vous êtes humaine [sic, F.C.] [...] (BLW, 13/06/2018).
(47) Et surtout ça permet de rebooster sa motivation quand on a l’impression d’être complètement abattue par la douleur des règles. (BLW, 17/01/2018)
(48) Pourtant à l’âge de 18 ans mon corps réagissait au moindre écart alimentaire, je le voyais comme un ennemi. (FLW, 13/04/2018)
(49) De citation à proprement parler non je n’en ai pas, par contre j’aime beaucoup me motiver avec quelques petites phrases comme « toujours se battre et ne jamais abandonner », « surpasses-toi ou tes ennemis souriront de ta défaite » ou bien encore je me rappelle sans cesse que si je ne me bats pas toutes les personnes qui doutent de moi auront gains de satisfaction et c’est juste inimaginable. (BSL, 25/02/2016)
(50) Faites le point, mais si vous choisissez de vous y mettre, battez-vous et donner le meilleur de vous-même ! (BSL, 25/02/2016)
(51) N'abandonnez jamais, ne vous laissez faire par personne, battez-vous. (ISL, 27/03/2017)
(52) Il lui a donné envie de se battre […] (BSL, 01/09/2016).
(53) Persévérez, n’abandonnez jamais. (BSL, 18/08/2016)
(54) N'abandonnez jamais & croyez en vous! (ISL, 08/12/2016)
(55) Vous êtes votre propre ennemi alors battez-vous, relevez-vous, et avancez […] (BSL, 30/10/2016).
(56) On parle de votre corps, il ne peut pas se transformer en une semaine. Il va falloir redoubler d’efforts, tenir bon mais dites-vous bien que tout cela en vaut la peine. Il va falloir redoubler d’efforts, tenir bon […] (BSL, 27/06/2017).
(57) Que ce soit d’un point de vue esthétique mais surtout pour ma santé. Contrairement à ce que l’on pourrait penser, ce n’est pas une chose facile de prendre du poids. Comme tous objectifs c’est un combat d’aujourd’hui, de demain et bien plus encore. (BSL, 18/08/2016)
(58) Alors non en ce moment je n'ai pas la shape des plus glorieuse [sic, F.C.] mais je sais que j'ai été capable de bien mieux, et dès que j'aurais remis la machine en route je sais que je ferais encore mieux […] (ISL, 08/12/2016).
(59) Avance à ton rythme, mais avance toujours. (ISL, 12/11/2016)
(60) La première photo que j’ai vue d’elle c’était avec cela et j’ai trouvé cela tellement cool. Elle est jolie et pourtant elle fait si forte et guerrière à la fois. J’aime énormément ! […] La première photo que j’ai vue d’elle c’est avec une arme. Vous devez vous dire que je suis complètement folle. Mais je trouve que cela colle tellement avec l’image de la femme guerrière. Je suis totalement fan. (BSL, 18/02/2017)
(61) Servez-vous de tous ce qui vous blesse, de toutes les choses que vous détestez pour vous rendre plus fort. (BSL, 06/08/2016)
(62) Les mots, les regards peuvent blesser. (BSL, 18/02/2018)
(63) La route est longue, avec des obstacles mais le travail paie toujours! (ISL, 12/11/2017)
(64) Puis depuis que j’ai commencé à travailler les pecs je me suis dessinée, creuser [sic, F.C.]. (ISL, 12/11/2017)
(65) Pourquoi je fais les pecs? - éviter [sic, F.C.] d’avoir un trop gros déséquilibre entre les muscles du dos et les pectoraux. .- Dessiner le décolter [sic, F.C.] […] (ISL, 05/06/2018).
(66) N’oubliez pas que le repos est également très important pour la construction des muscles. (BSL, 25/02/2016)
(67) Dans ses vidéos, ce sur quoi je « bug » à chaque fois ce [sic, F.C.] sont ses épaules qui sont magnifiquement dessinées. (BSL, 18/02/2017)
(68) Tu veux mon secret pour des abdos en béton […] (FSL, 29/08/2016).
(69) Personne ne le fera à votre place, vous seul être [sic, F.C.] maître de votre corps […] (BSL, 25/02/2016).
(70) Gardez bien vos bras le long de votre corps (lorsque vous êtes en position allongée) car cela vous permettra d’avoir un meilleur équilibre. Maintenant au boulot […] (BSL, 29/08/2016).
(71) J'étais cette personne vide, éteinte, détruite par les autres, écrasée […] (ISL, 27/03/2017).
(72) Il lui a permis de se reconstruire partiellement mais bien suffisamment (BSL, 01/09/2016).
(73) L’alimentation c’est ce qui changera votre corps, c’est la base de votre transformation. (BSL, 10/10/2016)
(74) C’est la structure d’entraînement la plus adaptée pour les débutants […] (BSL, 27/06/2017).
(75) Je me demande encore comment j’ai pu vivre si longtemps sans avoir cette activité dans ma vie. C’est un véritable pilier, un véritable besoin. (BSL, 25/02/2017)
(76) Premièrement, est-ce que je continue de m’entraîner ? Bien sûr ! Cependant toutes les femmes n’ont pas les mêmes douleurs, les mêmes symptômes prémenstruels (maux de ventre, humeur massacrante, la fatigue etc) donc il faut trouver son équilibre. (BSL, 24/08/2016).
(77) Et oui si votre frigo regorge de fromages, knacki balles, crèmes desserts… Ça sera plus difficile de résister à la tentation que si vous n’avez que des pommes, des bananes, des amandes et du pain complet dans vos placards. (BLW, 15/02/2018)
(78) Ma vocation ! Cela a littéralement changé mon mode de vie et mon état d’esprit au quotidien. (BST, N.A.)
(79) Je suis sûre que nous avons tous un rôle sur cette planète, j’aime aider les gens, les écouter, les conseiller, les rassurer, les booster, donc je pense que le mien était de démarrer une communauté d’entraide et le vôtre est de la faire évoluer et de devenir à votre tour une source d’inspiration ! (BST, 2016)
(80) Et je veux envoyer un message d’espoir, de soutien et de force à toutes les mamans qui connaissent cette fatigue de dingue et la dureté de reprendre et trouver du temps!!! (IST, 27/03/2018)
(81) Pour se remotiver, il faut s’assumer dès le départ pour s’améliorer par la suite. (BST, 04/01/2016)
(82) N’ayez pas honte, vous êtes toutes belles et vous le serez encore plus en ayant une alimentation équilibrée et une activité physique régulière. (BST, 04/01/2016)
(83) Devenez votre meilleure version en moins de 12 semaines ! (BST, N.A.),
(84) Pour se remotiver, il faut s’assumer dès le départ pour s’améliorer par la suite. (BST, 04/01/2016)
(85) Et bientôt un corps de déesse dont vous serez fières ! (BST, 04/01/2016).
(86) On devient SA MEILLEURE VERSION ? (IST1, 11/06/2018)
(87) Souvenez vous [sic, F.C.] toujours, le but n'est pas de "ressembler à" mais devenir VOTRE meilleure version ! (FST, 29/07/2018)
(88) Construisez votre MEILLEURE VERSION de vous-même […] (IST2, 02/10/2016).
(89) […] on construit son body fort, résistant, notre meilleure version !!! (FST, 26/06/ 2017)
(90) Je vous souhaite du fond du cœur d’avoir le déclic, la motivation et la discipline pour créer votre parcours jusqu’à votre meilleure version […] (FST, 16/07/2018).
(91) Ne jamais désespèrer [sic, F.C.] ! Ne jamais se comparer! Ne jamais se critiquer! Ne jamais se rabaisser! Ne jamais être impatiente!!! (IST1, 27/03/2018)
(92) NE PAS ATTENDRE la reconnaissance des autres, ne pas envier les autres, ne pas critiquer pour se sentir supérieur ! (FST, 26/07/2018)
(93) Pour ne pas détester les autres, il faut d’abord s’aimer soi-même […] (FST, 26/07/2018)
(94) Plus de tristesse Plus de plaintes Plus de doutes Plus de gènes Plus d'excuses Plus de report [sic, F.C.] […] (FST, 03/01/2017).
(95) N’écoutez pas les envieux et jaloux qui vous font douter de vous!!!? (IST1, 10/04/2018)
(96) Vous êtes la seule capable de vous juger […] (IST1, 10/04/2018).
(97) CE N'EST PAS UNE MODE, C'EST UN MODE DE VIE […] (FST, 29/07/ 2018).
(98) Croyez en vous ! Essayez ! Persévérez !! (IST2, 27/07/2017)
(99) Croyez en vous […] (FST, 29/07/2018)
(100) Il suffit d'y croire, de persévérer et de ne rien lâcher avant d'obtenir.... (IST1, 08/09/2017)
(101) […] j’ai la conviction que tout est possible à qui veut y croire et travailler pour. (BST, 2016)
(102) On en attend trop des autres alors qu'on est capable de grandes choses lorsque l'on s'en donne les moyens ... (IST1, 08/09/2017)
(103) Vous êtes toutes uniques les filles et n'avez pas le même métabolisme que vos amies. (IST1, 11/06/2018)
(104) Donc plus de comparaisons, vous êtes uniques. (FST, 29/07/2018)
(105) Tout cela est grâce à vous, une énorme communauté d’entraide, généreuse, toujours prête à aider l’autre, le point fort du TBC C’EST VOUS. (BST, 2016)
(106) A plusieurs on est plus FORTES. (BST, 04/01/2016).
(107) C’était quoi votre péché mignon pendant votre grossesse ??? (IST1, 16/11/2017)
(108) Que ce soit pour bien démarrer l’année ou pour remédier aux petits excès des fêtes […] (BST, 04/01/2016).
(109) Il est important de considérer ce moment comme une pause plaisir, que vous devez savourer sans culpabiliser ! (BST, 21/03/2016)
(110) […] ne culpabilisez pas pour les bonnes choses à manger ! (FST, 24/12/2016)
(111) Mais ne culpabilisez pas quand vous vous faites plaisir pendant vos repas : cheat meal une fois par semaine […] (FST, 29/07/2018).
(112) Faites les bons choix au lieu des mêmes erreurs […] (FST, 10/06/2018).
(113) […] vous ne regretterez pas les RÉSULTATS ! (FST, 28/08/2016).
(114) N'ayez pas peur de la difficulté, ne culpabilisez pas au moindre échec, c'est la vie c'est comme ça!! (IST1, 03/04/2018)
(115) La douleur et les difficultés que vous avez aujourd’hui deviendront force et honneur DEMAIN ! (FST, 23/07/2018)
(116) N’écoutez pas cette petite voix qui vous rend incertaine! (IST1, 10/04/2018)
(117) A partir du moment où vous vous créez un mental d’acier c’est 100% de confiance en vous qui se forme pour être LA MEILLEURE version de vous-même ! (FST, 16/07/2018)
(118) A moins d’être blessée ou réellement malade, on ne loupe pas sa séance. (BST, 04/01/2016)
(119) Si vous faites attention à avoir une alimentation équilibrée et non un régime stricte et que vous suivez bien le programme sans louper de séances vous aurez des résultats […] (IST1, 31/07/2017).
(120) Lundi: règle numéro 1 on ne rate pas sa séance […] (FST, 11/06/2018).
(121) Pour le moment samedi, on profite de son weekend, repos, à moins que vous ayez des séances à rattraper ???? ? (IST1, 25/11/2017)
(122) Si vous loupez une séance, essayez de la rattraper pendant le weekend par exemple? (FST, 29/07/2018)
(123) LE CARDIO EST OBLIGATOIRE, sans LE Cardio ce n'est plus le TBC […] (IST1, 11/06/2018).
(124) Les vacances ne sont pas une excuse pour arrêter !! (FST, 23/10/2017)
(125) Et le mot challenge, car oui c’est un entraînement sportif qui demande de la rigueur, de la volonté, vous ne pouvez pas vous mentir, vous devez apporter 100% de vous-même et laisser les excuses derrière vous, pour une réussite à la hauteur de votre volonté. (BST, N.A.)
(126) On peut toujours trouver une petite excuse, un contre temps, un empêchement ou on peut se dire GOOO, se motiver, être déterminée et disciplinée ! (FST, 29/07/2018)
(127) SOYEZ DISCIPLINÉES […] (FST, 23/07/2018).
(128) On ne cherche pas la facilité mais l'efficacité !! (FST, 29/08/2016).
(129) Fixez vous [sic, F.C.] des OBJECTIFS ! (BST, 04/01/2017)
(130) Un concentré d’énergie et de musiques motivantes pour bouger et booster vos performances. (BST, 25/03/2016)
(131) Afin de comprendre votre corps et apprendre à avoir une alimentation équilibrée, pour de meilleurs résultats ! (BST, N.A.)
(132) Il est tout à fait permis de s’offrir des pauses goûter pendant le programme […] (BST, 21/03/2016).
(133) Voici quelques règles pour réussir!!! (IST1, 27/03/2018).
(134) […] ce qui me vaut aujourd’hui mes 3 millions d’abonnés d’amour que je chéris chaque jour et motive afin qu’ils arrivent au maximum de leur potentiel (BST, N.A.).
(135) Comme promis, je vais être derrière vous pour vous botter le popotin ! (BST, 04/01/2016)
(136) On jette le livre et ouvre un super chapitre ensemble […] (IST2, 28/08/2016).

Shakespeare Mangafied: Gender and Japanese Visual Language

Jennifer Henke

Universität Bremen (j.henke@uni-bremen.de)

Abstract

This paper discusses a graphic adaptation of William Shakespeare’s comedy, Twelfth Night (2011), produced by the British publishing company SelfMadeHero and explores how the metaphors in this manga negotiate gender constructions. With reference to Schmitt’s investigation of metaphor and gender (2009), Cohn’s analyses of Japanese Visual Language (2010, 2016) and a brief historical overview of shojo manga – a genre mainly aimed at girls and female adolescents – I argue that Shakespeare’s complex metaphors used in the manga version should be (re)interpreted along the lines of both Japan’s cultural history and the development of the shojo genre. The analyses of selected scenes demonstrate that allegedly stereotypical visualizations are not always as clichéd as they might appear and have to be perceived outside Western concepts of gender. Moreover, this paper emphasizes the necessity to consider the space, time and genre transfer between Europe and Asia, between the English Renaissance and the twenty-first century and between the Shakespearean drama and the medium of the comic.1 The current investigation particularly addresses the question of how the visual metaphors of the Shakespeare manga negotiate gender constructions of the Elizabethan drama. This paper concludes that not only metaphor and gender but also genre  need to be understood as highly conventionalized schemata in order to avoid ‘doing gender’ by focusing on oppositional metaphors only.

Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit einer graphischen Adaptation von William Shakespeares Komödie, Twelfth Night (2011), und fragt nach der Verhandlung von Genderkonstruktionen vor dem Hintergrund der Metaphernforschung. Mit Rekurs auf Schmitts Überlegungen zu „Metaphernanalyse und die Konstruktion von Geschlecht“ (2009), Cohns Studien zur japanischen visuellen Sprache (JVL) (2010, 2016) sowie einem kurzen historischen Überblick des shojo Manga – ein Genre, das hauptsächlich auf Mädchen und weibliche Jugendliche abzielt – argumentiert dieser Beitrag, dass Shakespeares komplexe Metaphern in der Manga- Version sowohl vor der Folie der Kultur(-geschichte) Japans als auch unter der Berücksichtigung (der Entwicklung) des shojo Genres gelesen werden sollten. Die Analyse ausgewählter Szenen verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit, vermeintlich stereotype Visualisierungen außerhalb eines westlichen Kontextes zu denken, da nicht alle Beispiele mit Geschlechter-Klischees spielen. Zudem ist der Raum-, Zeit- und Genretransfer zwischen Europa und Asien, zwischen der englischen Renaissance und dem 21. Jahrhundert sowie zwischen dem Dramentext Shakespeares und dem Medium Comic zu berücksichtigen. Der vorliegende Beitrag fragt vor allem danach, wie die visuellen Metaphern des hybriden Shakespeare- Mangas Gender-Konstruktionen des Elisabethanischen Dramas verhandeln. Schlussfolgernd kann gesagt werden, dass nicht nur Geschlecht und Metapher, sondern ebenso Genre als hochgradig stilisierte Schemata verstanden werden müssen, um ein ‘doing gender‘ zu vermeiden, das allein auf oppositionelle Metaphern fokussiert und somit Gender-Stereotypen fortschreibt.

 

1 Technically speaking, SelfMadeHero’s graphic adaptations belong to the genre of the ‘graphic novel’ which is a book-length and self-contained narrative as opposed to the rather shorter and serialized medium of the comic book. For reasons of simplicity, I will use the label ‘comic’ as an umbrella term for all sequential art mentioned in this paper since the distinction between the two is not relevant for the current question.

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Shakespeare Mangafied: Gender and Japanese Visual Language
Jennifer Henke, Universität Bremen (j.henke@uni-bremen.de)


Abstract
This paper discusses a graphic adaptation of William Shakespeare’s comedy, Twelfth Night
(2011), produced by the British publishing company SelfMadeHero and explores how the
metaphors in this manga negotiate gender constructions. With reference to Schmitt’s
investigation of metaphor and gender (2009), Cohn’s analyses of Japanese Visual Language
(2010, 2016) and a brief historical overview of shojo manga – a genre mainly aimed at girls
and female adolescents – I argue that Shakespeare’s complex metaphors used in the manga
version should be (re)interpreted along the lines of both Japan’s cultural history and the
development of the shojo genre. The analyses of selected scenes demonstrate that allegedly
stereotypical visualizations are not always as clichéd as they might appear and have to be
perceived outside Western concepts of gender. Moreover, this paper emphasizes the
necessity to consider the space, time and genre transfer between Europe and Asia, between
the English Renaissance and the twenty-first century and between the Shakespearean drama
and the medium of the comic.1 The current investigation particularly addresses the question
of how the visual metaphors of the Shakespeare manga negotiate gender constructions of the
Elizabethan drama. This paper concludes that not only metaphor and gender but also genre
need to be understood as highly conventionalized schemata in order to avoid ‘doing gender’
by focusing on oppositional metaphors only.
Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit einer graphischen Adaptation von William Shakespeares
Komödie, Twelfth Night (2011), und fragt nach der Verhandlung von Genderkonstruktionen
vor dem Hintergrund der Metaphernforschung. Mit Rekurs auf Schmitts Überlegungen zu
„Metaphernanalyse und die Konstruktion von Geschlecht“ (2009), Cohns Studien zur
japanischen visuellen Sprache (JVL) (2010, 2016) sowie einem kurzen historischen Überblick
des shojo Manga – ein Genre, das hauptsächlich auf Mädchen und weibliche Jugendliche
abzielt – argumentiert dieser Beitrag, dass Shakespeares komplexe Metaphern in der Manga-
Version sowohl vor der Folie der Kultur(-geschichte) Japans als auch unter der Berücksichtigung
(der Entwicklung) des shojo Genres gelesen werden sollten. Die Analyse ausgewählter
Szenen verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit, vermeintlich stereotype Visualisierungen außerhalb
eines westlichen Kontextes zu denken, da nicht alle Beispiele mit Geschlechter-Klischees
spielen. Zudem ist der Raum-, Zeit- und Genretransfer zwischen Europa und Asien,
zwischen der englischen Renaissance und dem 21. Jahrhundert sowie zwischen dem
Dramentext Shakespeares und dem Medium Comic zu berücksichtigen. Der vorliegende
Beitrag fragt vor allem danach, wie die visuellen Metaphern des hybriden Shakespeare-
Mangas Gender-Konstruktionen des Elisabethanischen Dramas verhandeln. Schlussfolgernd
1 Technically speaking, SelfMadeHero’s graphic adaptations belong to the genre of the
‘graphic novel’ which is a book-length and self-contained narrative as opposed to the rather
shorter and serialized medium of the comic book. For reasons of simplicity, I will use the
label ‘comic’ as an umbrella term for all sequential art mentioned in this paper since the
distinction between the two is not relevant for the current question.
kann gesagt werden, dass nicht nur Geschlecht und Metapher, sondern ebenso Genre als
hochgradig stilisierte Schemata verstanden werden müssen, um ein ‘doing gender‘ zu vermeiden,
das allein auf oppositionelle Metaphern fokussiert und somit Gender-Stereotypen
fortschreibt.
1. Shakespeare, Gender and Twelfth Night
New interpretations of Shakespeare’s plays are hard to come by, or so one
might think. However, “[m]uch has happened on planet Shakespeare since
1990”, as Dennis Kennedy and Yong Li Lan observe (Kennedy/Lan 2010: 1).
They refer to the so called cinematic Shakespeare renaissance heralded
primarily by Kenneth Branagh in 19892 that set the tone for a multitude of
following Shakespeare adaptations. The main objective of these visual productions
was to adjust Shakespeare’s texts in order to make them accessible to
a broader and often younger audience.3 The successful endeavor thus uplifted
the Shakespeare film and turned it into “an art form in its own right” (Helbig
2004: 172). This article, however, investigates a phenomenon that Douglas
Lanier regards as the “extension of the project nineties film pursued”, namely
the appearance of graphic Shakespeare 4 (Lanier 2010: 112). 5 The UK in
particular has witnessed the rise of a specific graphic medium that has been
appropriating the Bard’s texts since the 2000s: the manga. As a subgenre of
graphic literature, these Japanese style comics are produced by Englishlanguage
series such as Shakespeare: The Manga Edition (UK, Wiley 2008), Puffin
2 Branagh made his Shakespeare film debut with Henry V (1989).
3 In line with John Storey, who praises the “cultural traffic” generated by popularizations of
Shakespeare (Storey 2006: 5), Douglas Lanier promotes these and other forms of
“Shakespop” and pleads to take popular Shakespeare seriously since it helps the audience to
understand what Shakespeare might mean (Lanier 2006: 3, 5, 16).
4 This catchphrase includes both the (shorter) comic book, a serialized form of graphic
literature with interconnected stories, and the graphic novel, which is, as already mentioned,
a novel-length product narrating a complete and independent story (Arnold 2010: 5–6).
5 The merge of Shakespeare with the graphical is not new: As early as the 1940s, Albert
Kanter issued the comic book series Classic Illustrated and produced adaptations such as
Julius Caesar (1950), Hamlet (1952) and Romeo and Juliet (1956) among others. The effect of this
mingling was an upgrade of the comic book: “Shakespeare lends the comic book reader a
certain ethical maturity […] which in turn imparts legitimacy to the comic books itself,
making it into an art form in its own right” (Heuman/Burt 2002: 155).
Graphics (UK, 2005) and Manga Shakespeare (UK, SelfMadeHero, 2007–2011).6
Lanier coins this phenomenon the “mangafication” of Shakespeare (Lanier
2010: 104).7 Emma Hayley, the director of SelfMadeHero, ascribes the popularity
of these productions to the influence of the anime market on the one
hand, and to the overall “intensification of our visual culture” on the other
(Hayley 2010: 268). Hayley’s objective is to introduce Shakespeare in a (visual)
way that would be understood by first-time readers (Hayley 2010: 269).
SelfMadeHero has published 14 Manga Shakespeare editions so far, ranging
from Romeo & Juliet (2007) as their first volume to The Merchant of Venice (2009)
and Twelfth Night (2011)8 as their most recent ones.
This paper focuses less on investigating the popularization of Shakespeare’s
plays via the comic medium, but rather concentrates on specific visual
metaphors used in manga since its language significantly differs from western
comics. This also begs the question of how gender is constructed in these
visual texts, especially since the current case study belongs to the category of
the so called shojo manga (Jap. ‘virgin’), a subgenre targeted at girls and female
adolescents. This essay not only seeks to explore the role visual metaphors
play in the construction of (stereotypical) gender roles, but it shall also shed
light on the significance of their cultural context. In line with Rudolf Schmitt
(2009), I argue that metaphors are by no means linguistic universals, but rather
in constant need of contextualization, especially against the backdrop of
gender.
I have chosen SelfMadeHero’s Shakespeare manga Twelfth Night (2011) as a
case study for the following reasons: first, the eponymous pre-text already
plays with configurations of sex, gender and its subversions through the
inherent cross-dressing and gender-bending. Second, the shojo genre as such
has a lot in common with both the Shakespearean as well as the Japanese
(Kabuki) theatre; both traditions exhibit strong notions of gender fluidity since
their all-male casts blur heteronormative gender-boundaries (Sasaki 2013: 12–
6 Shakespeare manga series in Japan include Yoko Shimamura’s Something like Shakespeare
(2000) or Hiromi Morishatas Osaka Hamlet (2005) among many others (Lanier 2010: 109).
7 In this context, Linda Hutcheon understands adaptations as “ongoing dialogical
process[es]” (Hutcheon 2012: 21), which is why this paper seeks to avoid the outdated
practice of fidelity criticism.
8 Twelfth Night was first released 2009 and then republished in 2011.
13; Furuya 2013: 162). Third, the shojo manga’s visual language uses a certain
sign system that only generates full meaning in its thematic and cultural
context. As a result, gendered (and non-gendered) metaphors in Japanese
visual language are far from universal. Along these lines, the central questions
this gender-oriented paper intends to investigate are: How are gender roles
represented visually in manga comics? What role does the manga’s subgenre
and its distinct characteristics play in this context? How do the visual
metaphors of the Shakespeare manga negotiate gender constructions of the
Elizabethan drama? Do they challenge or affirm conventional notions of sex
and gender? Is the visual language of manga universal or can it only be understood
in its (Japanese) context? What happens to Shakespeare’s (western)
women if they are “mangafied” (Grande 2010: 19) by (Asian) visual
metaphors?
2. Gendered Metaphors: Restrictions and Extensions
In his paper from 2009, the psychologist and sociologist Rudolf Schmitt
ascertains that studies on the metaphorical construction of gender have
increased since the early 2000s. However, he criticizes the absence of the still
most sophisticated theory of conceptual metaphor developed by George
Lakoff and Mark Johnson (cf. Metaphors We Live By, 1980) in these studies.
According to Schmitt, their cognitive theory hardly plays any role here at all,
and if it does, it is heavily shortened, rendering it insufficient for an adequate
analysis of gendered metaphors. Hence, Schmitt’s goal is to revisit central
notions of this theory while aiming at a revision in order to contribute to an
advancement of a metaphor analysis against the backdrop of gender. The
current paper therefore seeks to further extend Schmitt’s theoretical reflections
by transferring them to a specific case study – the manga comic. Before I turn
to the manga genre and its visual language, it is necessary to extract the major
points of criticism formulated by Schmitt.9 Mainly, Schmitt criticizes previous
studies on gendered metaphors for actually ‘doing gender’, i.e. for merely
reaffirming gender binaries by focusing on oppositional or dichotomous
metaphors instead of deconstructing these heteronormative binaries and
9 In the scope of this paper, this can only be done by discussing selected aspects that are
relevant for the following analysis despite the awareness that this approach might pose a
similar risk of shortening Schmitt’s considerations.
putting them into cultural and thematic context (ibid.: 1, 4). Schmitt strongly
emphasizes the importance of context:
Metaphorische Projektionen dürfen also nicht einfach binär und
nicht frei von thematischen oder kulturellen Prägungen sein; eine
Zuweisung bestimmter Geschlechterqualitäten durch Metaphern ist
immer nur partiell möglich (Schmitt 2009: 4).
Instead of simply apprehending gendered metaphors as oppositional and noncontextual
binaries, Schmitt understands both metaphor and gender as a
schema, i.e. as “a recurrent pattern, shape, and regularity in, or of these
ongoing ordering activities, […] as meaningful structures” (Schmitt 2009: 1, 7;
Johnson 1987: 29). He does so by interlocking Pierre Bourdieu’s older and less
explicit concept of metaphorical schemata and gender with Lakoff and
Johnson’s cognitive theory. According to Schmitt, this extended notion of the
metaphor will enable related scholarship to even recognize metaphors, to
avoid evoking gender stereotypes and to expose them as local constructions
(Schmitt 2009: 1, 19, 20). It also amends Lakoff and Johnson’s ahistorical and
latent biological-universal approach to metaphors (ibid.: 24, 27). The main
problem of such studies is that they overlook shared metaphorical concepts
between the sexes resulting in an involuntary reproduction of social – and
hierarchical – stereotypes (ibid.: 34). Ultimately, Schmitt stresses that the
category of gender can hardly be systematically included in cognitive theory.
However, what a systematic analysis of metaphors can do is help to
understand how gender binaries might have occurred in the first place
(ibid.: 4, 40).
In line with Schmitt I will equally avoid the attempt of a systematic analysis of
metaphors. This contribution rather represents an individual analysis by
means of a single and non-representative case study that understands gender
as one of many schemata in metaphor theory. I also wish to raise an awareness
for the cultural construction of gendered metaphors and stress that they are
never universal but fluid, flexible, potentially transgressive and always bound
to their cultural context. Since this paper deals with visual metaphors in
particular, it is necessary not only to take into account the general visual
language of the chosen medium but also to consider the culture-specific
(sub)genre it belongs to.
3. Japanese Visual Language, Genre and Gender
Adam Sexton mentions the “infinite adaptability” of Shakespeare’s plays and
considers especially the comic to be a “natural medium” (Sexton 2008: 2) for
the Bard’s works due to the strong visuality of the pre-texts, i.e. the multitude
of metaphors Shakespeare uses. Sexton goes one step further by claiming that
the comic is even more visual than a stage performance since it is able to
depict any situation, unlike the theatre with its performative restrictions
(ibid.: 2). Despite this rather sweeping claim that ignores the potential of the
theatre and also underestimates the imaginative powers of the audience, he
correctly observes that the comic works against the density of Shakespeare’s
language: meaning, generated mainly by visual images in addition to written
words, has to be decoded in a multidimensional way. Interestingly, Sexton
emphasizes that although manga comics are able to include only a few of
Shakespeare’s verses, they are “no less verbal” than the plays with one major
difference; in contrast to most stage or film performances the reader can also
see the words (ibid.: 3). This is important for those audiences and readers who
are unfamiliar with the Bard’s texts since “Shakespeare is never easy, reading
helps” (ibid.: 3).
In order to investigate the question of how gendered metaphors are
constructed in the manga version of Twelfth Night, it is necessary to turn to the
specific aesthetics or the visual style of Japanese graphic literature. At a first
glance, all comics seem to maintain a common and “almost universal
intelligibility” as stated by the cognitive scientist Neil Cohn (2010: 188).
Comics are not only symbolic (e.g. a rose = love) and indexical (e.g. smoke = fire),
but they are also iconic which means that many of their symbols have a fixed
conventional style. Attempting to understand comics, it needs to be stressed
that all signs rely on cultural agreement to a greater or lesser degree. If
symbols depend on cultural conventions, as Cohn states (ibid.: 188–189), then
this equally applies to metaphors. Furthermore, metaphors can be understood
as schemata, as recurring patterns, that only make sense in their particular
cultural contexts. As Cohn adds, comics display further conventions such as
sweeping or kinetic lines that show motion as well as the typical speech and
thought balloons that contain the character’s words, thoughts and emotions. In
addition, the multiple units or panels create whole sequences and thus have a
lot in common with film as they contain establishing images, close-ups and
panel transitions. Apart from these media-specific conventions, the academic
discourse has to acknowledge that the language of manga differs significantly
from western texts. Although scholars have already distinguished between the
language of film and that of the comic, Cohn emphasizes that Japanese manga
has its own vernacular or dialect, labeled “JVL” (Japanese Visual Language)
(ibid.: 187, 189). Its specific style includes non-conventional symbols like
flowers, white ‘fluff’ or lighting which are used to set a particular emotional
atmosphere (ibid.: 192–194). A striking example is the phenomenon of the so
called “super-deformation” or chibi (see Fig. 1).
Fig. 1: Schematized representations of emotions in JVL (Cohn 2016: 18)
This “hypercartoony” style spontaneously ‘shrinks’ manga characters to childlike
figures: according to Cohn this convention elucidates their current
emotions and also evokes a form of comic relief (ibid.: 192). As a result, the
visual units, graphic codes and styles of manga demonstrate that readers
require a certain ‘fluency’ in JVL to fully comprehend what kind of meaning is
intended (ibid.: 196–199). As a result, JVL is based on certain schemata,
patterns, styles and features; the big eyes and hair as well as the small mouths
and chins can be easily recognized by the adept reader of manga (ibid.: 188).10
I argue that this certainly also holds true to metaphors and gender; both
constitute schemata that are strongly contextualized and thus require a certain
degree of cultural knowledge to fully understand their meaning.
In order to contextualize both JVL and the metaphors in Twelfth Night (2011), it
is equally important to consider the adaptation’s gender-specific subgenre.
SelfMadeHero’s Shakespeare manga belongs to the category of shojo, a genre
that is aimed at a younger, female audience. What distinguishes shojo from
other genres such as shonen11 (for boys) is their special focus on emotions and
psychological conditions while their style can vary to a great degree (Cohn
2010: 189). The majority of these mangas, however, exhibit a particular “shojoness”
of the heroine while also including a certain form of “cuteness (kawaisa)”
generated by a doll-like appearance and “big, round eyes” (Saito 2014:
150). In terms of the genre’s dominant themes, shojo mangas primarily feature
romantic relationships, often in form of love triangles. More importantly, most
of them display strong notions of gender-bending; the protagonists are usually
female, sometimes rebellious heroines, who engage in cross-dressing. Often,
the male protagonist falls in love with the heroine and is relieved when he
finds out his desired love object is a girl (cf. Bryce/Davis 2010: 46–47;
Cooper/Darlington 2010: 159, 161).
In the context of metaphor and gender Maana Sasaki underscores that
Japanese manga in general “must be framed outside […] Western models to
deconstruct the projected ideologies of sex, gender, and sexuality” (Sasaki
2013: 2). In terms of gender-bending and cross-dressing, androgyny has a long
history in Japanese culture; it is rooted in the Kabuki theatre and its genderfluid
onnagata actors that flourished during the Edo period (1603–1868)
10 The “God of Manga”, Osamu Tezuka, one of the first manga artists in the 1940s, set the
course for this visual style and was strongly influenced by Walt Disney’s comics that exhibit
similar styles such as the big eyes (Cohn 2010: 189).
11 Shonen (Jap. ‘first year’ or ‘boy’) are mangas targeting boys and male adolescents. They exhibit
a more ‘angular’ (Cohn 2010: 189) visual style and deal with themes such as adventure,
crime and action among others. Manga for adult men are called seinen and those for adult
women are coined josei. In order to avoid a ‘doing gender’ by focusing on oppositional
genres, I will hereafter concentrate on shojo manga only.
(ibid.: 3, 11–12).12 It was not until the Meiji Period (1886–1912), marked by the
advent of modernity and the Westernization of Japanese culture, that the sexes
gradually began to be separated which resulted in the institutional condemnation
of gender ambiguity. The educational system inculcated the model
of “good wife and mother” for girls and promoted the “dream of becoming a
happy future [and virgin] wife”, a theme that is also dominant in shojo13
manga (ibid.: 7). Interestingly, this anti-androgynous and heteronormative
period found temporary homosocial relationships between girls unproblematic
but only as long as the girls maintained their ‘femininity’ (ibid.: 7–
8). It was the women’s liberation movement of the 1970s that offered spaces of
resistance for female artists. One of shojo’s subgenres, the so called bishounen or
“Boy-love manga”, featured love relationships between beautiful and
androgynous boys (ibid.: 8). Sasaki stresses that bishounen enabled their target
readership to understand female desire and sexual agency by identifying with
the androgynous boys and thus resisting social norms: “bishounen allows
readers to escape sex and gender altogether” (ibid.: 9).
I have chosen the Shakespeare manga Twelfth Night (2011), a more or less
straight adaptation14 of the Bard’s pre-text, because the latter already is “like a
typical Shojo Manga in that it features identical gender-bending twins” as
Minami Ryuta points out (2010: 111).15 Both play and adaptation feature the
twins Viola and Sebastian who are separated during a shipwreck, thinking the
other dead. Stranded on Illyria, Viola cross-dresses as ‘Cesario’ to serve Duke
Orsino, whom she falls in love with, but who in turn desires Countess Olivia.
12 Shojo as a distinct genre was popularized in the 1960s and after manga was officially
recognized by the Japanese Ministry of Education in the 1990s, artists developed their own
new visual style (Sasaki 2013: 4).
13 The literal translation of shojo into ‘virgin’ confirms the heteronormative ideology of this
subgenre.
14 Nana Li’s (illustrator) and Richard Appignanesi’s (adaptor) manga Twelfth Night follows
the plot and the characters of Shakespeare’s play. However, the comic is not divided into acts
or scenes, but is narrated as a continuous story and includes selected events, themes and
slightly modified verses of the pre-text.
15 In this context, Troni Grande refers to Gérard Genette’s metaphor of the palimpseste to
describe the intertextual relation between the Bard and shojo manga. Yet, she emphasizes that
this fusion is more than a “palimpsestuous redressing of Shakespeare” and states:
“Shakespeare may be mangafied but is by no means mangled” (Grande 2010: 19).
Viola alias Cesario is commissioned to woo Olivia in the duke’s favor, but the
countess falls for the messenger instead. This hopeless love triangle is resolved
by the appearance of Viola’s twin brother Sebastian, who falls in love with
Olivia thus allowing Viola and Orsino to finally declare their true love for each
other.
I argue that on the one hand, the gender-bending and cross-dressing enable
sexual agency since the lines between hetero- and homosexuality are blurred.
On the other hand, however, heterosexual normativity is maintained
especially in the manga version since the characters do not live out their latent
homosexual desires. This especially holds true to Viola who eventually sheds
off her ‘masculine disguise’ in SelfMadeHero’s Twelfth Night. Although
Shakespeare’s comedies are also generally heteronormative, despite the
potentially subversive gender-bending, since every woman is eventually
assigned to a man, Viola gets to wear her ‘male clothes’ until the very end of
the play Twelfth Night. This begs the question what the manga version does to
female characters of the play and how its particular (visual) metaphors
negotiate gender roles.
The following case study therefore investigates potential meanings of selected
examples and can only function as an inspiration for further extensive studies
on metaphor and gender. Metaphors are henceforth considered conventionalized
schemata that can only be fully understood in their Japanese
context. In line with Schmitt’s critique, the case study also strives to avoid a
‘doing gender’ and thus does not focus on gendered oppositions. It rather
aims at a deconstruction of gender roles by contextualizing the metaphors
found in this particular Shakespeare shojo manga.
4. Complex Metaphors and Cultural Conventions in Twelfth Night
(2011)
Shakespeare’s play begins with the information “Music. Enter ORSINO, Duke
of Illyria, CURIO and other lords.” (act 1.1, lines 1–3). It continues with the wellknown
soliloquy by Orsino that is in the following paralleled by the words
used in the speech balloons of the manga version:
ORSINO [play] ORSINO [manga]
If music be the food of love, play on,
Give me excess of it, that, surfeiting,
The appetite may sicken, and so die.
If music be the food of love, play on,
Give me excess of it, that
The appetite may sicken and so die.
These first three verses already employ a complex metaphor; MUSIC IS FOOD,
LOVE IS THE HUMAN BODY THAT NEEDS FOOD, and if music is food, love needs
music to survive, but love can also overindulge (“surfeit”) in music/food and
thus loose its “appetite”. Orsino is introduced as a character suffering from a
severe case of love-sickness (“sicken”) and hopes that the music he hears will
play so long that his love-sickness will die from an overdose. Shakespeare’s
play contains words only, so the audience has to use its imagination to make
sense of the metaphor. The manga comic, however, is able to visualize these
words. After nine colored pages that depict the dramatis personae of Twelfth
Night, the manga continues with its media-specific black and white pages.16
While a long vertical panel on the left of page 12 depicts a castle, a broader and
larger panel stretches across the upper half of both pages 12 and 13 and
portrays an image of Orsino in a lateral medium shot on the left side of this
unit. He is sprawled on an armchair, pressing a framed image17 against his
chest while a band in the background on the right side of the panel is playing
music. Below the image of Orsino on page 12 there are two smaller panels, one
with a detail shot of a string instrument and white ‘fluff’ hovering next to it,
and one with a close-up of Orsino’s face holding the back of his hand against
his forehead while the words in his speech bubble read “Enough! No more!
Tis not so sweet now as it was before” (TN 12).
16 The British manga reads from left to right and not from right to left as is the case in Japan.
17 It is an image of Olivia as the readers learns later on page 16.
Fig. 2: Visualization of the complex love-metaphor in SelfMadeHero’s Twelfth Night (2011)
(TN 12–13)
The complex metaphor of ‘music is (deadly) food for love’ is visualized by a
drawing of a long musical notation stretching across the upper side of both
pages, starting at the castle’s tower on the very left of page 12, rising above
Orsino’s head and the heads of his band and ‘falling’ behind one of Orsino’s
speech bubbles in a smaller panel on the right side of page 13 containing the
words “That strain again! It had a dying fall!”. What strikes the eye here is not
only the visualization of Shakespeare’s metaphor for love-sickness that
dominates the whole exposition by incorporating images of sheet music,
musicians and musical instruments, but the fact that this metaphor is
associated to an androgynous male character. Orsino is wearing trousers, a
wide belt, a kind of military coat with a fur or plush collar and yet his facial
features, including his high cheekbones, large eyes as well as his long black
fringe, make it hard to determine his gender, especially for those Western
readers not familiar with manga. One could indeed read the music/lovemetaphor
as gendered – in this case connoted female since emotions have been
traditionally associated with femininity – and also interpret the link between
this metaphor and a ‘male’ but yet more or less androgynous character as
subversive. I argue, however, that such an interpretation perpetuates stereotypical
gender schemata which in turn reinforces a form of ‘doing gender’ in a
way criticized by Schmitt. The question should rather be how these potentially
subversive visualizations of metaphors are culturally constructed and why
they might be understood differently by various readerships. The answer is
quite simple; this Shakespeare comic is also a shojo manga – characters are
meant to appear androgynous. This makes sense considering the history of
manga, its roots in the Kabuki theatre, and the genre’s development through
phases of resistance exemplified by the subcategory of bishounen which heavily
draws on notions of androgyny. In other words: neither the (supposedly)
gendered metaphor of love-sickness nor Orsino’s constructed gender-fluidity
is progressive; their utilization and visualization simply owe to the (sub)genre
of the manga. Symbols like white ‘fluff’ that contribute to the emotional and in
this case love-sick atmosphere of the narrative are also justified by the
tradition of JVL. This visual metaphor ('fluff') for strong emotions or love is a
common convention in Japanese culture that requires a certain literacy and
should never be read outside its cultural context. The visual metaphor of lovesickness
thus neither challenges nor affirms gender roles of the Shakespeare
play since Orsino is equally introduced as a melancholic character in the pretext.
His androgyny in the manga version, however, does have a certain
subversive quality as it ironically refers to the cross-dressing and genderbending
of both the Elizabethan stage and the Kabuki theatre of the Edo
Period. Both theatre traditions had the potential to serve as a critique of
(heteronormative) social norms. In this case, one could indeed consider a form
of convergence of two different traditions that contribute to a certain degree of
gender bending.
In act 2, scene 2 of the play, Viola alias Cesario finally learns about Olivia’s
love for her. Devastated, she realizes the full dimension of this unfortunate
entanglement caused by her disguise and engages in verbal self-flagellation:
VIOLA [play] VIOLA [manga]
[…]
Disguise, I see, thou art a wickedness,
Wherein the pregnant enemy does much.
How easy is it for the proper false
In women's waxen hearts to set their forms!
Alas, our frailty is the cause, not we,
For such as we are made of, such we be.
How will this fadge? my master loves her
dearly;
And I, poor monster, fond as much on him,
And she, mistaken, seems to dote on me.
What will become of this? As I am man,
My state is desperate for my master's love
As I am woman (now alas the day!)
What thriftless sighs shall poor Olivia
breathe
O time, thou must untangle this, not I,
It is too hard a knot for me to untie!
(act 2.2, lines 27–41)
Disguise, I see, thou art a wickedness,
[…] my master loves her dearly;
And I, poor monster, fond as much on him;
And she, mistaken, seems to dote on me.
What will become of this? […]
O time! thou must untangle this, not I;
It is too hard a knot for me to untie!
In Shakespeare’s play, Viola not only feels guilty for fooling Olivia, but she
blames female “frailty” – the stuff women are “made of” – for this catastrophe.
The obviously gendered metaphor “waxen hearts” further highlights women’s
alleged weakness. In the play, Viola acknowledges that as long as she is in her
disguise (“As I am man”), her love for Orsino is hopeless, so is Olivia’s love
for her (“As I am a woman”). Interestingly, Shakespeare’s verses are heavily
abbreviated in the manga version of Twelfth Night. All of the previously
mentioned associations and gender-stereotypical metaphors are cut. What
remains is a critique of disguise as something to be deemed evil
(“wickedness”) and the non-gendered metaphor of Viola as monstrous. In
both versions Viola hopes that time will dissolve this entanglement.
The abbreviated content of Shakespeare’s stanza appears in seven of Viola’s
thought balloons that are spread over two pages of the manga (68–69). The
metaphor of the love triangle’s unfortunate entanglement is visualized by
images of the three characters – Orsino, Viola and Olivia – on a black background,
each of them reaching out with one arm to his/her object of love and
thus forming what resembles a circle. At the same time, they seem to be both
entangled in and connected by depictions of ropes as well as cogwheels that
evoke the notion of time. These symbols together form a complex visual
metaphor that illustrates the unhappy love triangle. What is special about
these two pages is that it lacks a conventional panel structure with one
exception; the lower side of page 69 displays a medium shot of a superdeformed
version of Viola scratching her head and sitting on what looks like
the sill of a white ‘window’ on the otherwise pitch-black background. Next to
this miniature version is a stack of books, and the thought bubble contains the
incorrect equation “1 + 1 + 1 = 2?”, indicating the impossibility of solving the
problem, i.e. of ‘untying the knot’.
Fig. 3: Unfortunate love triangles, (non)gendered metaphors and super-deformations
(TN 68–69)
At a first glance the uninitiated reader could interpret the ‘shrunken’ version
of Viola with its large head, big eyes and sad and confused facial expression as
a metaphor for the infantilization of Viola, thus evoking a gendered metaphor.
As Sasaki explains, however, the large eyes in manga function as a ‘window’
to the soul and offer the readers access to the feelings of a character (Sasaki
2013: 5). Further, open eyes can equally indicate an active gaze, especially
when turned toward a love object (ibid.: 21). Viola does not gaze at Orsino on
these pages. Nevertheless, she is the only character with open eyes including
both her larger and miniature version. The JVL convention of super-deformation
simply serves the purpose of creating an emotional atmosphere. Here,
this visual technique amplifies Viola’s despair and is not to be understood as a
gendered metaphor of the female protagonist’s infantilization. I argue, though,
that the deletion of all gender-problematic verses from Shakespeare’s text in
the manga adaptation undermines the potential of Viola’s cross-dressing. The
ironic effect of Viola lamenting about the credulity of women who fall in love
with other women pretending to be men while Shakespeare’s all-male actors
where themselves pretending to be women pretending to be men is almost
completely erased in the manga version. The major gender-bending potential
of this example lies in Orsino’s androgynous appearance; without a
knowledge of both the plot and/or the shojo manga genre it would be difficult
to immediately determine his gender. It is his gender fluidity that renders the
manga version potentially progressive since it escapes heteronormativity.
Then again his appearance owes to the tradition of the shojo genre and its
inherent gender-bending. This repeatedly demonstrates that the kind of
interpretation heavily depends on both the reader’s perspective and the
(cultural) context of the images, symbols and metaphors.
Another example of the questionable phenomenon of super-transformation or
chibi related to gender can be found in the scene in which Olivia is rejected by
Viola alias Cesario. In act 3.1 of Shakespeare’s play Olivia wants to know how
‘Cesario’ feels about her. When Viola tells her “I pity you” (line 123), Olivia
hopefully replies “That’s a degree to love” (line 124) only to be then painfully
rejected again with the words “No, not a grize: for ‘tis a vulgar proof / That
very oft we pity enemies” (line 125-126). The manga visualizes this hurtful
rejection by ‘shrinking’ Olivia to a miniature version of herself with wide and
empty eyes. She is depicted in front of shades of broken glass while the arrow
of a tiny panel containing the word “ENEMY” pierces her chest. This visual
metaphor clearly emphasizes Olivia’s shock (see Fig. 1), triggered by the
words, and her consequential heartbreak. Given the manga’s genre, this
technique is simply to be considered a convention. I argue that the metaphor is
not gendered, especially not from a Japanese perspective. One might ask,
however, whether only female characters are super-deformed in Twelfth Night
which might indicate the use of gendered metaphors. This is definitely not the
case; male characters like Malvolio (e.g. p. 137), Sir Andrew Aguecheek (p.
125), Sir Toby Belch (p. 109), Fabian (p. 109) or Festes (p. 196) are equally
‘shrunk’ sooner or later in the narrative to illustrate their strong feelings and
increase the emotional atmosphere (see Fig. 4).
Fig. 4: The conventionalized technique of chibi is applied to female and male characters
(TN 117, 109)
After the disentanglement of the love triangle, Orsino and Viola unite. In the
final scene of Shakespeare’s play, the Duke tells his future wife “For so you
shall be while you are a man / But when in other habits you are seen /
Orsino’s mistress, and his fancy’s queen” (line 378–380) before they exit. Put
simply: Orsino will call Viola by her male name as long as she continues her
cross-dressing. Although Viola is not granted any final words, there is no
indication in the play that she rids herself of these garments. This grants
Shakespeare’s comedy a certain subversive potential since Orsino declares his
love to an androgynous character and thus demonstrates that he – at least
temporarily – is able to look past her gendered body. The manga version,
however, ends on a quite different note. The last two pages display an almost
panel-free mise-en-scène including a happy couple surrounded by shojo-typical
flowers and white ‘fluff’ that amplify the romantic atmosphere. While Viola is
illustrated still wearing her ‘masculine clothes’ on page 204, she has
transformed into a female connoted character on page 205, indicated by her
dress and enormous cleavage.
Fig. 5: The ‘clothes’-metaphor renders Viola’s gender fluidity unacceptable (TN 204–205)
Clothes play a major role on these pages since they are visualized as ‘floating’
or ‘flying’ in parts – including a coat, some shirts and shoes – from behind
Viola on page 204 to the final page where they ‘hover’ and circle around the
love couple.18 I argue that this visualization is indeed a gendered metaphor as
it signals that Viola’s ‘inappropriate’ cross-dressing and gender-bending was
the only obstacle to their (heterosexual) love. This metaphor is combined with
lyrics, indicated by symbols of notes and the spatial arrangement of the verses,
and read “And we’ll strive to please you every day”.19 These words evoke the
18 It also visually quotes the music chord from the first pages of the manga Twelfth Night.
19 These words are actually sung by the clown in Shakespeare’s play. By concealing the
speaker in this image any comic effect is prevented.
Henke: Shakespeare Mangafied: Gender and Japanese Visual Language
57
impression that Viola can only succeed in love if she pleases her future
husband by ridding herself of the ‘false’ disguise. In this respect, the manga is
more conservative than the play in that it denies Viola her cross-dressing and
gender-bending. This implicates that the end of this manga complies with the
kind of shojo popularized during the anti-androgynous and heteronormative
Meiji Period in which the sexes began to be further separated while the
educational system inculcated the gendered ideal of the ‘good wife (and future
mother)’. Here, too, Viola is represented as the happy (and virgin) wife, an
image promoted to control young girls’ sexuality during nineteenth- and early
twentieth-century Japan.
5. Conclusion: Metaphor, Gender and Genre as Schemata
Although the Japanese word “manga” translates to “whimsical pictures”
(Sexton 2008: 2), this paper has shown that Japanese Visual Language is far
from odd. Instead, it is a highly conventionalized language with a multilayered
sign system; its symbols and metaphors can only be properly understood
when embedded in their thematic and cultural context. Shakespeare’s
complex metaphors used in the manga must hence be interpreted against the
backdrop of Japanese cultural history as well as the (history of) the shojo
manga genre. Although some symbols and visual metaphors associated with
particular characters that signal love such as music, ‘fluff’ or flowers might
seem gendered from a Western perspective, they are in fact constructed in
accordance with the tradition of JVL and require a certain literacy. This
especially holds true to the technique of super-transformation or chibi that –
within the framework of this case study – is applied to characters of all
genders and thus does not serve as a gendered metaphor. The major genderproblematic
metaphor in the exemplary analysis manifests on the very last
pages of the manga Twelfth Night. The subversive potential of Viola’s
androgynous appearance is undermined by ridding her of her ‘masculine’
clothes in order to fulfil her role as a ‘happy future bride’ which renders the
manga more conservative than the eponymous pre-text. As a result, this
exemplary analysis demonstrates that the complex space, time and genre
transfers between Europa and Asia, between Shakespeare’s pre-text and the
comic medium as well as between British and Asian (historic) theatre
metaphorik.de 30/2019
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traditions must always be taken into account in order to adequately interpret a
Shakespeare manga with regard to metaphor and gender.
I shall conclude this paper by reflecting on the shojo genre and the question
whether JVL is a gender-neutral language. I argue that as such, it is; flowers,
‘fluff’ and chibi are highly conventionalized symbols and visual techniques
that indicate strong emotions and are associated to all genders in Twelfth Night.
However, these symbols occur more often in genres that are aimed at girls as
can clearly be seen by the example of shojo. This becomes obvious when taking
a closer look at other Shakespeare (shonen) mangas published by SelfMade-
Hero: Neither Richard III (2007), Macbeth (2008) nor Othello (2009) exhibit
moments of super-transformation or chibi despite the fact that Shakespeare’s
tragedies and histories equally offer instances of romance and comic relief,
albeit to a lesser degree due to the fact that they are not comedies. I argue that
the construction of gender in manga is not only a question of metaphor – it is
especially a question of genre and the degree to which certain mangas use
these flamboyant visual cues. As a result, it is possible to understand not only
metaphor and gender, but also genre as schemata, i.e. as local constructions
that can only be deconstructed by putting them into thematic, historical and
cultural context. Only then can a ‘doing gender’ by means of an analysis of
metaphor be avoided – an endeavor that should be at the heart of every
gender-oriented investigation.
6. References
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Joyce/Hassler-Forest, Dan (eds.): The Rise and Reason of Comics and Graphic
Literature – Critical Essays on the Form, Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 5–9.
Bryce, Mio/Davis, Jason (2010): “An Overview of Manga Genres”, in: Johnson-
Woods, Toni (ed.): Manga – An Anthology of Global and Cultural Perspectives, New
York: Continuum, 34–62.
Cohn, Neil (2010): “Japanese Visual Language: The Structure of Manga”, in: Johnson-
Woods, Toni (ed.): Manga – An Anthology of Global and Cultural Perspectives, New
York: Continuum, 187–204.
Cohn, Neil (2016): “The vocabulary of manga: Visual morphology in dialects of
Japanese Visual Langue”, in: Journal of Pragmatics 92, 17–29.
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Grammatical gender as the basis to create gender metaphors in Indian political discourse

Suneeta Mishra

University of Delhi (suneeta.m76@gmail.com)


Abstract

This paper is based on a study that explores the role of grammatical gender in the personification of abstract concepts in contemporary Indian political discourse where Hindi is the predominantly used language. Hindi has a two-gender system and the mapping of bio-logical sex and grammatical gender is strengthened by highly inflected sentence-structure which reinforces gender-marking all through the sentence and discourse. The present paper analyses the construction of three particular concepts (in Hindi) from contemporary Indian socio-political discourse – mehengaai (‘inflation‘; fem.), vikaas (‘development‘; masc.) and bhaasha (‘language‘; fem.) – in 10 texts, to study the role played by grammatical gender in the metaphorical construction of these concepts. The analysis shows how the cultural frame of patriarchy and ‘grammatical gender-biological sex’ mapping interact to create these gender metaphors. The larger cultural frame provides access to culture-specific mental models of man-woman relations, which is mapped on to masculine and feminine nouns to produce gender-based personification metaphors.

Dieser Artikel basiert auf einer Studie, welche die Bedeutung des grammatikalischen Geschlechts bei der Personifizierung von abstrakten Konzepten im gegenwärtigen indischen politischen Diskurs untersucht, in welchem vorwiegend die Sprache Hindi gebraucht wird.
Hindi verfügt über ein Zweigeschlechtersystem und die Zuordnung des biologischen und grammatikalischen Geschlechts wird durch eine hochgradig gebeugte Satzstruktur verstärkt.
Die Geschlechtskennzeichnung wird durch Satz und Diskurs bekräftigt. Der vorliegende Artikel analysiert die Konstruktion dreier spezifischer Konzepte (der Sprache Hindi) im gegenwärtigen indischen gesellschaftspolitischen Diskurs – mehengaai (Inflation; fem.), vikaas (Entwicklung; mask.) und bhaasha (Sprache; fem.) – in zehn Texten, um die Bedeutung des grammatikalischen Geschlechts in der metaphorischen Konstruktion dieser Konzepte zu untersuchen. Die Analyse zeigt, wie der kulturelle Rahmen des Patriarchats und die Verknüpfung des biologischen mit dem grammatikalischen Geschlecht bei der Erschaffung dieser Geschlechtermetaphern zusammenspielen.
Der größere kulturelle Rahmen bietet Zugang zu kulturspezifischen mentalen Modellen eines Mann-Frau-Vergleichs, welcher maskulinen und femininen Substantiven zugeordnet ist, um geschlechtsbasierte personifizierte Metaphern zu bilden.

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Grammatical gender as the basis to create gender metaphors in
Indian political discourse
Suneeta Mishra, University of Delhi (suneeta.m76@gmail.com)
Abstract
This paper is based on a study that explores the role of grammatical gender in the personification
of abstract concepts in contemporary Indian political discourse where Hindi is the
predominantly used language. Hindi has a two-gender system and the mapping of bio-logical
sex and grammatical gender is strengthened by highly inflected sentence-structure which
reinforces gender-marking all through the sentence and discourse. The present paper analyses
the construction of three particular concepts (in Hindi) from contemporary Indian socio-political
discourse – mehengaai (‘inflation‘; fem.), vikaas (‘development‘; masc.) and bhaasha (‘language‘;
fem.) – in 10 texts, to study the role played by grammatical gender in the metaphorical
construction of these concepts. The analysis shows how the cultural frame of patriarchy and
‘grammatical gender-biological sex’ mapping interact to create these gender metaphors. The
larger cultural frame provides access to culture-specific mental models of man-woman relations,
which is mapped on to masculine and feminine nouns to produce gender-based personification
metaphors.
Dieser Artikel basiert auf einer Studie, welche die Bedeutung des grammatikalischen Geschlechts
bei der Personifizierung von abstrakten Konzepten im gegenwärtigen indischen
politischen Diskurs untersucht, in welchem vorwiegend die Sprache Hindi gebraucht wird.
Hindi verfügt über ein Zweigeschlechtersystem und die Zuordnung des biologischen und
grammatikalischen Geschlechts wird durch eine hochgradig gebeugte Satzstruktur verstärkt.
Die Geschlechtskennzeichnung wird durch Satz und Diskurs bekräftigt. Der vorliegende Artikel
analysiert die Konstruktion dreier spezifischer Konzepte (der Sprache Hindi) im gegenwärtigen
indischen gesellschaftspolitischen Diskurs – mehengaai (Inflation; fem.), vikaas (Entwicklung;
mask.) und bhaasha (Sprache; fem.) – in zehn Texten, um die Bedeutung des grammatikalischen
Geschlechts in der metaphorischen Konstruktion dieser Konzepte zu untersuchen. Die Analyse
zeigt, wie der kulturelle Rahmen des Patriarchats und die Verknüpfung des biologischen mit
dem grammatikalischen Geschlecht bei der Erschaffung dieser Geschlechtermetaphern zusammenspielen.
Der größere kulturelle Rahmen bietet Zugang zu kulturspezifischen mentalen
Modellen eines Mann-Frau-Vergleichs, welcher maskulinen und femininen Substantiven zugeordnet
ist, um geschlechtsbasierte personifizierte Metaphern zu bilden.
Introduction
Metaphorical language and thought have been explored in the domain of gender
from various dimensions. Text and discourse analysis in literary criticism has
brought out substantial discussion on gender-based metaphorisation while
feminist literature has also focused on this aspect from several perspectives (e.g.
Garcia-Fernandez 2017; Charteris-Black 2012). Furthermore, the interaction of
grammatical gender with cognition has been studied across many languages (e.g.
Sera and others 2002; Boroditsky/Philips/Schmidt 2003; Pavlidou/Alvanoudi
2013). However, metaphor grounded in grammatical gender-based categorisation
of nouns has so far not been explored except in some studies as an offshoot of the
discussion on other concepts like categorisation. One of the seminal works that
addressed this linkage was Lakoff’s discussion of Dyirbal noun classification
(studied originally by Dixon in 1967 and published in 1972) in Women, Fire and
Dangerous things (1987), where most of the dangerous or harmful things are
located in the same category of nominals as women. A more nuanced discussion
of the grammatical gender of nouns playing a role in their metaphorical
conception as male or female, was carried out by Romaine (1998). Romaine shows
how cities and countries, often found to be grammatically feminine in Indo-
European languages, are portrayed as females, even in a language like English
which supposedly has a ‘natural gender’ system in its modern form. In a
somewhat different vein Drzazga/Stroinska (2012) show how the grammatical
gender of ‘death’ in different languages affects the way it is personified in
translations. Sarangi (2009) brings out the feminization of languages in India’s postindependence
discourse by Hindi and Urdu literary writers in comparing the
social status of the two languages. Some studies delve into the interaction of
lexical choices with gender metaphors. Moreover, Montashery (2013) shows how
common processes of using nicknames and sexual evaluation of women are
based on metaphors grounded in the conception of women as weak, vulnerable
‘objects’. Rezanova/Nekrasova/Shilyaev’s (2014) study demonstrates the effect
of grammatical gender of objects on the referential choice of metaphorical names
to male and female humans. On the other hand, there have also been numerous
studies analyzing metaphor in political discourse. Musolff (2014, 2017) and
Perrez/Reuchamp (2014) among others have discussed at length the nature and
strands of metaphors in political discourse. This ranges from the role of ‘bodypolitic’
in political metaphors to other cultural dimensions in interpreting
political metaphors. Nevertheless, none of these works so far has tapped on the
process of metaphorisation of nouns based on their grammatical gender in
political discourse. Hence, this paper attempts to do so by analyzing the
construction of three nouns that are commonly used in the contemporary Indian
political discourse- mehengaai (‘inflation’; fem.), bhaasha (‘language’; fem.) and
vikaas (‘development’; masc.).
The paper is generally divided into four sections. The first section sets up the
cultural-historical and political context of the Indian society in which the sociological
dimensions of gender interact with specific aspects of the contemporary
Indian political discourse. The second section gives a theoretical background
comprising the role of grammatical gender in cognition, manifestation of
grammatical gender in Hindi and in the literature on personification metaphor.
The third section discusses the method applied and data studied while the last
section puts forth the analysis and discussion of the chosen texts, linking them
back to theoretical constructs developed, followed by a conclusion.
1. The Context of the study
1.1 Rising symbolism, Hindi domination and its implications
In the last few decades and very rapidly in the last few years, the political
discourse in India has increasingly turned to symbolism and metaphors. The
symbols employed in the political discourse range in their historicity from
ancient to contemporary times. Ancient mythological texts provide reference to
various deities and demons like Ram, Siita, Taadka, Raavan etc. Though India is
known to be a country of great diversity ranging from languages to food or
ethnicities, the center of political power has been the Northern region which
happens to be the Hindi1 belt of the country as also containing the region with
some of the most populated states. Consequently, the political discourse is
usually dominated by Hindi, even if a number of contemporary political leaders
belong to other regions. Additionally, India is a predominantly Hindu society,
with 80.5% Hindu population (India census 2011). Thus, most mythological
1 ‘Hindi’ here refers to the ‘standard’ variety which is spoken in Delhi, and parts of the
Northern states of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. The Hindi belt though is constituted
by numerous languages that are syntactically similar to and mutually comprehensible with
Hindi but have their own speech communities.
characters extracted from Hindu mythological texts present a natural choice
according to this dispersion in creating a metaphorical discourse. Some such
instances include equating a political leader to a deity or opposition leaders to
demons or invoking a Hindu identity using the virtuous images of female
characters. Another class of symbols has arisen from the time of independence of
the country from colonial rule. These are related to metaphors conceptualising
ideas of nation or country, patriotism, national language etc. which gave rise to
metaphors like Bhaarat-mata (‘mother‘ India), maatri-bhaasha (literally ‘mother
language‘) and soldiers as ‘sons’ of the ‘mother-land’. The third category includes
the relatively recent symbols arising from more recent socio-political contexts like
development, economy and foreign policies. Of late, the taglines and
predominant agendas in political parties’ manifestos too have become standalone
symbols. Contemporary political discourse thus uses symbolic resources
from various eras of the country’s cultural-historical past, and this time-frame is
fluid. Any political metaphor can invoke cultural-historical frames and
symbolisms from different eras. For instance, Sarangi (2009) discusses the
metaphorical conceptualisation of languages as ‘women’ in the texts of Hindi and
Urdu writers between 1880 and 1940. The personification of these languages
(referred to as ‘language women’ by Sarangi) is rooted in the culture of (female)
courtesans from 16th–18th century Mughal rule over India. The texts that Sarangi
analyses treat the two languages – Hindi (representing Hindus) and Urdu
(representing Muslims) – as courtesans who are trying to woo clients (Hindu and
Muslim populations). In such contexts, it is understandable that Hindi lexicon
and grammatical structure shape the form taken by Indian political discourse in a
considerable way.
1.2 Gender as one of the foundational concepts in the Indian society
Given the hierarchical structure of the Indian society in terms of caste, class and
gender, most discourse genres reflect these categories. Indian society and politics
thrive on caste but gender figures in the discourse more subtly, particularly when
used metaphorically. Gender forms a much deeper division among humans than
any other parameter (like caste, class, ethnicity) in all societies, resulting in an
expansive network of cultural frames based on gender in the Indian society. This
network is historically and socially rooted in religion and mythology and
permeates – in complex ways – creating caste, class and gender hierarchies.
Across India, but more rigidly in the northern states though (Dyson/Moore
1983), female sex is considered secondary, inferior and fit to be dictated and
governed by male sex. The manifestation of this larger frame comes in various
forms including the unwanted status of the girl-child, justifying the abuse and
violence against women based on the subservient and relativized status of
women in family structures. Man is considered as the default human and therefore
the default agent of the actions and events taking place in the human world.
Women become the ‘other’, the ‘object’ or the ‘dehumanized’ being.
Dehumanization of women occurs via a range of means and processes. One such
example is presented by Tipler and Ruscher (2017). They describe how women
are perceived in sexual terms using a metaphorical ‘predator/prey’ framework:
the strong, independent and aggressive women who are conceived as
‘uncontrollable’ are located on the ‘predator’ end of the scale while those who are
seen as gullible and controllable are located on the ‘prey’ end. However, both are
dehumanized. In this paper, I propose a similar approach to look at the
construction of gendered bodies of women (and men by contrast) via moralethical
codes of conduct arising from of the cultural-historical context of the
Indian society. On this scale, women are sacrificing, subservient, tradition-bound
and powerless on one end and free-spirited, independent, dominant, uncontrollable
on the other end. An important dimension here, as in Tipler and
Ruscher’s (2017) analysis, is the physicality and sexuality of the female. A woman
is constantly assessed by her looks and physical dimensions. Assuming this scale
to have a ‘positive’ (desirable in society) and a ‘negative’ (not desirable in society)
end, women who conform to the expected values are framed as belonging to the
positive end of the scale and those who falter on any assessment criteria, on the
negative end. Thus, in this assessment scale, there is hardly any scope for intermediary
positions. Males, however, are not subjected to moral-ethical scales in
terms of sexuality, physicality and relativized identities. Dusche (2014: 233)
discusses how this hierarchical code of moral conduct can be traced back to the
religious discourse of Ancient India which more often than not treats women as
properties of men with whom they are related by blood or marriage. Although
the construction of ‘masculinity’ has its own scale in terms of power and control,
it is not as pervasive as that applicable to women in everyday and cultural
contexts.
Against this background of the Indian politics and the place of gender in Indian
society, it is interesting to see how the linguistic structure of Hindi plays out in
this complex interplay. Linguistic structure reflects socio-cultural norms in the
marking of gender (but usually not caste or class) in some way or the other in all
languages. In languages with grammatical gender, the gender-based categorysation
of humans is extended to animals and inanimate entities. Personification of
inanimate nouns in most literary genres of Hindi including political discourse
shows a substantial correspondence with the grammatical gender of these nouns
(Mishra 2018a). Thus, the underlying norms and principles of human gender
politics may well be mapped on to this extended categorisation (of non-humans)
based on gender, and the construction of nouns based on grammatical gender is
expected to follow this rationale. In brief, the paper investigates the way this
metaphorical mapping works linguistically.
2. Theoretical background
2.1 Grammatical gender across world’s languages and in Hindi
Nouns form the most versatile grammatical category since it denotes living
beings/things/objects/ideas in the world. Grammatical gender is one of the
three main features (phi features) of nouns. Languages can have ‘natural’ gender
systems where nouns carry the same gender corresponding to the biological sex.
Inanimate objects carry neuter gender by default. The other major type of gender
system is grammatical, wherein all nouns are assigned a gender category but the
assignment is not based on the natural gender of the noun, even though humans
are mostly assigned the grammatical gender corresponding to their biological
sex. According to Corbett, “gender systems may have sex as a component, as in
languages with masculine and feminine genders; but, equally, sex may be
irrelevant” (1991: 749). There are languages with more than 20 gender types but
most languages with grammatical gender manifest either two (masculine and
feminine) or three (masculine, feminine and neuter) genders.
When a language has only masculine and feminine grammatical gender,
inanimate objects are also attributed one of these genders. Hindi is such a
language. All nouns in Hindi are either masculine or feminine, and other
sentential components like adjective, verb, intensifier, possessive etc. are marked
for gender in agreement with the gender of the subject noun. However, if there is
a postposition with the subject, the next noun in the sentence commands the
agreement on a syntactic level. If all nouns in a sentence are followed by
postpositions, the verb manifests default masculine singular form.
2.1.1 General phonological pattern in masculine and feminine nouns in Hindi
Although gender is arbitrarily assigned to nouns in Hindi, some typical phonological
patterns are found. These basic patterns in the grammatical gender-based
categorisation of nouns are as follows (Agnihotri 2007 and Kachru 2006):
a. Most ‘ii’-ending nouns are grammatically feminine,
b. Most consonant-ending and ‘u/uu’-ending nouns are masculine,
c. ‘aa’-ending nouns are more often masculine than feminine.
There are exceptions in all these patterns. For instance, paanii (water) is a
masculine noun with ‘ii’-ending, bahu (daughter-in-law) is a feminine noun with
‘u’-ending, bhaasha (language) is a feminine noun with ‘aa’-ending. Noun pairs
with feminine and masculine counterpart can be either lexical, as in bhaai
(brother) and behen (sister) or they can exist in phonologically-marked pairs
where consonantal or ‘aa’ ending marks the masculine form while ‘ii’ or ‘nii’-
ending marks the feminine form (examples discussed in section 2.1.2).
2.1.2 Sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic manifestations of grammatical
gender in Hindi
Besides general phonological patterns, the gender-based nominal categorisation
in Hindi has socio and psycho-linguistic dimensions such as indicated in the
following examples:
a. In pairs of masculine and feminine form, the ‘aa’-ending or consonant-ending
form is mostly masculine while the ‘ii’-ending form is feminine. In such cases, the
feminine form coincides with the diminutive form. Examples of such noun pairs
(Kellogg 1876 and Guru 1920) are depicted in the following table:
S.
No.
Noun
(English)
Masc. form Fem. and Diminutive
form
1. Drain naal-aa (‘big drain’) naal-ii (‘small drain’)
2. Pile dher (‘big pile’) dher-ii (‘small pile’)
3. Stick dand-aa (‘thick stick’) dand-ii (‘thin stick’)
4. Rope rass-aa (‘thick rope’) rass-ii (‘thin rope’)
Table 1: Examples of Hindi nouns with masculine and feminine forms
As seen in table 1, the masculine counterpart is bigger or stronger than the
feminine counterpart. None of such pairs manifests the opposite semantic
associations. This observation has been made by several scholars of Hindi. For
instance, Kelogg (1969: 82) observes that one of the classes of nouns that are
considered masculine in Hindi is “[n]ames of large, or coarse and roughly made
objects, as contrasted with small, or more finely made objects of the same kind”.
He then goes on to give examples of the kind shown in the above table. Guru
(1920: 255) makes a similar observation with regard to size/strength related
properties of objects giving rise to feminine or masculine endings. Jurafsky (1996:
536) describes how denoting the female gender is one of the many semantic
functions that diminutives serve in many languages including Hindi. He also
elaborates (ibid.: 546) how the use of diminutives for female gender leads to the
formation of the conceptual metaphor WOMEN ARE CHILDREN/SMALL
THINGS which leads to the concept SMALL THINGS ARE WOMEN in some
languages.
b. Proper names of male and female humans are often borrowed from
grammatically masculine and feminine nouns for certain semantic classes of
nouns like natural elements, some emotions and sweets. Some such examples are:
Tulsii (‘holy basil’; fem.)
Shaurya (‘courage’; masc.)
Imartii (‘an Indian sweet’; fem.)
Suuraj (‘sun’; masc.)
These socio and psycho-linguistic patterns associated with the occurrence of
masculine and feminine nouns show that there is an underlying mapping of the
grammatical gender and biological sex that, moreover, guide native speakers
regarding the associations they form with nouns across domains of language use.
2.2 Experimental studies showing grammatical gender effects on
cognition
Most studies exploring grammatical gender effects on cognition have reported
positive results. This includes tasks like voice attribution, adjective assignment,
triad matching etc. One of the first detailed studies in this domain was conducted
by Sera, Berge and del Castillo (1994) in which they found that speakers of
languages with grammatical gender rated objects as masculine or feminine in
correspondence with their grammatical gender. Another study by Sera et al.
(2002) found this effect with voice attribution too. Konishi (1993) found gender
effects by way of association of masculine nouns with higher potency. Borodisky,
Schmidt and Philips (2003) conducted a test with bilingual Spanish, German and
English speakers. The task involved remembering proper names, half of which
were assigned in accordance with grammatical gender of the objects and the
other half opposite to the grammatical gender. They found a higher performance
on names consistent with grammatical gender. Saalbach, Imai and Schalk (2012)
conducted a study with very young German and Japanese children. German is a
language with grammatical gender while Japanese does not have grammatical
gender. They found that German children made inferences about features of
animals (using toy animal) based on the grammatical gender while Japanese
children based their inferences on general properties of animal (species). For
example, the experimenters told the children that all ‘Daddy’ animals had a
BROMA (imagined substance) inside. Then they showed them the (toy) animals
and asked which of them had a BROMA inside. German children tended to
generalize this property to all animals (toys) that had grammatically masculine
names in German but not to those with grammatically feminine names. Japanese
children did not show any such bias.
These studies show that grammatical gender is not a naïve morphological feature
of nouns that manifests itself only by way of agreement-markers on other sentential
components. Rather, for the speakers of languages that have grammatical
gender, it seems that the categorisation of nouns and hence of the corresponding
objects bear an impact on the conception of animate and inanimate objects.
2.3 Studies showing grammatical gender effects in Hindi
The only published study exploring grammatical gender effects in Hindi is by
Mukherjee (2018). The study explores the effect of grammatical gender in first/
second language on the other language learnt. Hindi as first language is seen to
influence a second language without grammatical gender. As observed in the
introduction, there have not been many studies exploring grammatical gender
effects at discourse level, much less so in Hindi. Sarangi (2009) brings out a
detailed diachronic analysis of the feminization of languages (Hindi and Urdu)
but without engaging with the dimension of grammatical gender-based categorisation
in this personification. Mishra (2018b) observes that personified
characters of animals in Hindi texts from various genres including children’s
literature in school texts (NCERT 2005) are constructed based on their
grammatical gender. This is executed via the use of constructional frames
grounded in stereotypical roles assigned to men and women in different sociopolitical
domains like division of labor, decision-making, power and control. The
grammatical gender-biological sex mapping is so deeply entrenched that in one
of these texts (grade III, pg. 62–68) with personified characters of a monkey
(grammatically masculine in Hindi) and cats (grammatically feminine),
instructions for teachers clearly state assigning the role of monkey to a boy and
that of the cats to the girls, for role-play. In another text (grade II, pg. 19–22), cat
and lion are personified as sister and brother living together. The brother (lion)
just orders, eats and sleeps while the sister (cat) does all household work and is
often hungry as nothing is left for her. Mishra (2018a) brings out how cultural
frames that ground the man-woman discourse and relation are employed to
create humor based on pairs of grammatically masculine and feminine objects
and animals (species). For instance, one of the jokes is based on the ‘marriage’ of
a potato (grammatically masculine in Hindi) and a cabbage (grammatically
feminine in Hindi). The cultural frame used is ‘first night’.
From these studies, it seems that the ‘culture-specific frames’ used to map
grammatical gender and biological sex without explicitly stating so, it becomes
easy to use them metaphorically. Thus, these studies hint to the need to identify
the culture-specific frames which ground this mapping in different discourse
genres and grammatical gender-based metaphors which this paper explores.
2.4 Personification metaphor, culture and politics
Hamilton (2002) traces back the first documented discussion of the term
“personification” in rhetorical tradition by Erasmus of Rotterdam who used the
terms “prosopopoeia” and “prosopographia” – the latter for attributing human
qualities to understand abstract concepts like justice. Most allegories found in the
literary works of 16th–18th century can be seen as instances of personification. In
cognitive linguistic tradition, personification has been treated as one of the basic
ontological metaphors by Lakoff and Johnson (1980). Lakoff and Turner (1989)
discuss at length the personification of ‘Death’ as the reaper, devourer, coachman
etc. using what they call a ‘single unified general process’. Lakoff and Johnson,
for example, use the example of “Inflation has robbed me of my savings” (1980:
33) to emphasise that in this case, “inflation” is not just a person but a specific
kind of person – a devourer, a thief. Although it is one of the most widely used
metaphorical tools across discourse genres, it has not been treated at par with the
other conceptual metaphors. Commonplace concepts like ‘Life’, ‘Death’ and
‘Time’ are frequently personified in everyday and literary discourse but not
really treated as such. MacKay (1986) emphasised that personification may be
seen as the ‘prototypical’ metaphor which, in addition to its usually recognized
instances, can also occur as disguised in the form of metonymy and spatial
metaphors. Of particular relevance to this study is MacKay’s observation about
personification based on nominal gender categorisation: “In short, if nominal
gender-marking is another instance of personification in disguise, it may help to
pass on a set of culture-specific sex-role attitudes” (MacKay 1986: 102).
The cultural dimension of metaphor is a subject taken up seriously only in recent
research. Since Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) is conceived to be grounded
in universal processes of cognition, it relegates cultural context to a peripheral
position in the discourse on metaphor. But Kövecses (2005) and Musolff (2017),
among others, have emphasized the culture-specific interpretation of conceptual
metaphor. Musolff (2014) conducted an elaborate cross-linguistic (also crossnational)
study exploring the body-politic metaphor as applied by participants to
define their own countries. The study showed clearly different conceptual
structures used by participants from different regions of the world (hence
different cultures).
In the Indian culture, particularly the North-Indian Hindi-speaking culture, both
genders have been employed for personifications, for instance, the Earth as the
‘mother’, most of the heavenly bodies as ‘male Gods’, ‘death’ as both male (in the
form of ‘Death God’) and female (the actual event of death). A vast majority of
these personifications are in accordance with grammatical gender, as is also the
case for animal characters and inanimate objects. A specific case is the
anthropomorphised animal characters acquiring male/female sex in accordance
with the default species gender, in children’s literature among other literary
genres (Mishra 2018b).
In the contemporary use of metaphor, social media appear to play a major role.
The use of social media including internet memes, improvisation of film songs
and dialogues is now commonplace in creating sarcasm and satire which are the
predominant literary genres in the political discourse in India (Kulkarni 2017). It
is common for one political party or leader to take on the other party or leader
mostly targeting the negative aspects. This often involves invoking metaphors
grounded in the cultural-historical context, to strike a chord with the masses and
sway them in their favor. In this process, often a range of metaphors including
personifications are employed by both political leaders, the press and the
common masses.
3. Method and data
3.1 Choosing personified nouns
For the present study, a 3-step procedure was followed, as discussed below. The
third step had three sub-steps of filtration.
I. A list of issues and themes highlighted in the manifestos of the two major
political parties – Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Indian National Congress (INC,
popularly known as Congress) – taken from the last parliamentary election (held
in 2014) were listed after consulting the official websites of the political parties
and some of the leading news sources that follow socio-political news: The Indian
Express, Times of India and The Economic Times. While The Indian Express and
Times of India are popular Indian newspapers with the latter available in both
Hindi and English, The Economic Times is an Indian newspaper with a focus on
economic news also reporting inter alia political news. Additionally, main events
of each year from 2014-2018 were followed from the same websites and The Wire,
which is an online news source. This time-period was taken because the use of
social media in generating and fueling political discourse has grown multifold
during this time, one plausible reason being the impetus on digitization by the
present regime that came in power in 2014. According to a study by Wani and
Alone (2015) on the impact of social media on elections, there was an increase of
28% in the number of internet users in India from June 2013 to June 2014.
Four broad areas along with major sub-themes were deduced from the party
manifestos and the major political news of each year.
A. Constitutional values including secularism, social justice (in terms of caste,
class and gender), minority rights.
B. Growth and development. This includes both social and economic development.
Social development covers basic services for the masses like health,
education, electricity and water supply in rural areas, construction of roads, dams
etc. Economic development includes employment generation, inflation control,
foreign policy, GDP (Gross Domestic Product) growth.
C. National security and patriotism. This includes all matters related to defense
(with a special focus on foreign policy towards Pakistan). The second part
‘patriotism’ is an explicit agenda of one of the parties (BJP) which also comprises
the creation of a Hindu state and advancing the Hindutva ideology with all its
paraphernalia like Ram temple, cow-protection, Hindi as national language etc.
D. Some miscellaneous themes that cropped up intermittently raised by any of
the political parties and caught up on social media to gain the status of a
metaphor overnight. For instance, one implicit agenda for both the parties is a
counterattack on the policies of the other and presenting itself as ‘clean’. The
topmost sub-theme in this category is corruption, thus highlighting the fraud that
each of the two parties has been associated with.
II. From these four areas, a list of nouns was prepared representing themes and
issues that became the catchwords. For instance, social equity gave rise to
aarakshan (‘reservation’) for the socially backward castes. RTI (Right to
Information) became the buzzword under the agenda to fight corruption in
offices. The final list consisted of 20 nouns (see appendix 1).
III. This list of 22 nouns was subjected to a three-step filtration process. First, only
those nouns were considered that were native to Hindi (‘Hindustani’ to be more
precise). This was done because the grammatical gender of the nouns borrowed
from English does not manifest consistently in Hindi. This step filtered out 5
nouns. In the second step, those nouns were considered that were explicitly
personified i.e. attributed human properties in any kind of text on the internet
including memes, jokes and cartoons. This was done by typing each word from
the list in the search bar and looking for web results including images. This
reduced the number of items to 9. In the third step, it was checked whether the
personification was gendered and if it was, whether there were at least three
instances of gendered personification for each item. This last step ensured that
the attribution of gender was not random.
Finally, only three nouns were found which were personified and gendered in
more than two instances each, one grammatically masculine and two grammatically
feminine. As the internet is a very dynamic and vast space where material is
added every day, the texts were chosen in order of their appearance in the search
results, subject to the basic requirement of gendered personification. For vikaas
and bhaasha, more personifications were obtained than mehengaai, so 4 texts each
were taken for these two nouns. But on closer examination, one of the texts for
bhaasha was found to have a very feeble case of personification and was therefore
dropped. So, 4 texts with the personification of vikaas and 3 each with the
personification of bhaasha and mehengaai were obtained. Texts in this study refer
to both visuals and the written language. The texts were analysed to explore the
interplay between grammatical gender of the nouns and their construction as
gendered entities via personification on one hand and the role of culturalhistorical
frames providing the textual construction on the other. This gave a total
of 10 texts containing these three nouns. Although this corpus may not be enough
to infer substantial generalisations about the pattern of gendered cognition based
on the grammatical gender of nouns, it nevertheless serves well to explore some
relevant dimensions of the interplay between social and grammatical gender in
specific cultural-historical and political contexts of a speech community.
3.2 A morphological sketch of the nouns under study and socio-political
context of the concepts they represent
All three nouns (bhaasha, mehengaai and vikaas) have their origin in Pali-Prakrit
languages (Turner 1969) that were predominant among the general masses from
3rd century BC–10th century AD in large parts of North India.
a. bhaasha (‘language’; fem.): bhaasha means ‘speech’ or ‘language’ (Turner 1969:
540). The root-word bhaasha is seldom used alone in the Indian socio-political
discourse. It is mostly used in the context of rashtra-bhaasha (‘national language’)
or maatri-bhaasha (‘mother tongue’). As India is home to more than 1369 mother
tongues according to the latest census (2011) conducted by the Indian government,
language as a marker of social and political identity has been the bone of
contention since the conception of independent India. The division of the Indian
territory into states after India’s independence was carried out on a linguistic
basis in 1956 (Sengupta 2014). But the major conflict was grounded in the two
major religious communities – Hindus and Muslims. Languages symbolizing the
two religions (Hindi and Urdu respectively) played a semiotic mediation in this
divide, particularly in North India. Alongside, the adoption of English as the
language of social advancement also began during this time. This situation gave
rise to metaphorical comparisons between languages. In the decades following
independence, the comparison was intensified between Hindi (symbolizing
Hindu identity) and Urdu (symbolizing Muslim identity). Comparison of Hindi
and English has gained prominence in the last three-four decades, with the rise of
English as the medium of instruction and official work. The texts chosen focus on
the latter comparison but use bhaasha as an abstraction from its various forms.
b. mehengaai (‘inflation’/‘dearness’; fem.): The noun mehengai has been derived
from the adjective mahanga i.e. ‘expensive’ which in turn has evolved from
mahargha in Sharyaseni Prakrit variety. Mahargha is formed from maha
(‘big/high’) + argha (‘value/cost’) (Turner 1969: 572). For the last two decades,
inflation has been a major factor for the downfall of governments led by any
political party. Whether it is a hike in prices of everyday consumption products
like milk, vegetables etc. or that of petrol and diesel, ‘inflation’ has become a topic
of everyday discourse of the masses, resulting in an opportunity for the opposition
(political) party to attack the ruling regime. Thus, for both politicians and
the common people, mehengaai is something to be scared of.
c. vikaas (‘development’; masc.): vikaas was originally used to mean expanding,
flowering or growth (Turner: 578). The word is used in many contexts like
physical and mental growth of human beings and of the development of spaces
in more economic and infrastructural terms. Although development of the
country as a whole and of the various sectors like education, health and infrastructure
has always been an implicit agenda of all the political parties, it was
adopted as one of the most popular catchwords of the present political leadership
in their 2014 election campaign and a major parameter of the constant evaluation
of governance thereafter. This resulted in vikaas becoming a popular topic of
political satire.
3.3 Details of the texts analysed
The analysed texts are mostly visual along with written text. All the texts present
political satire, where the gendered personification of the noun represents a basic
ingredient in the satire.
The details of these texts are provided in the following table:
S.
No.
Noun Grammatical
Gender
Mode (Visual/
Textual/Both)
Description of the texts
1. bhaasha
(‘language’)
Feminine a. Both 1. Hindi as the ‘typical
Indian woman’ (wife or
girlfriend) and English
as an ‘enchanting
young girl’ the man is
attracted to.
b. Both, but
predominantly
visual
2. Hindi as an ‘oldfashioned,
loyal Indian
wife/fiancée’ and English
as the ‘smart,
modern girlfriend’ the
man is flirting with.
c. Both 3. Hindi as the ‘neglectted,
poor mother’ and
English as the ‘modern
aunt’.
2. mehengaai
(‘inflation’)
Feminine a. Both 4. Inflation as the ‘flirtatious
woman’ running
after the present head of
the state (male) while
the previous head of the
state (male) enjoys
watching.
b. Both 5. Inflation as the ‘indecently
dressed
voluptuous woman’
flaunting her power.
c. Textual 6. Inflation referred to
as a ‘witch’.
3. vikaas
(‘development’)
Masculine a. Textual 7. Development referred
to as the ‘desired
son’, in whose waiting
two undesired daughters
(GST- Goods and
Services Tax, and demonetization)
were born.
b. Both 8. A woman asking a
political leader when
‘development’, the
‘long-awaited desired
son’ will be born, in
whose wait a daughter
has taken birth.
c. Both 9. US president Obama
consoling India’s Prime
Minister and calling out
his ‘lost son’ (development)
to return.
d. Both 10. Development as the
‘lost son’, being
requested to return
home by all family
members (members of
the ruling party).
Table 2: Overview of the texts based on personifications of the three nouns popularly
used in contemporary Indian political discourse.
4. Analysis and Discussion
This section first presents a detailed analysis of the personification of each noun
and then a summary. The texts have been analysed in terms of the culturalcognitive
frames and they are grounded in the specific gender-associated features
mapped on to the personifications by way of grammatical gender-biological sex
mapping. For all the three nouns, each text is separately discussed followed by a
discussion of the pattern of personification of the specific noun in all the texts.
4.1 Texts personifying the noun bhaasha (‘language’; fem.)
Text 1
Text 1 consists of the visual (fig. 1) along with the written text which is the first
line of a song from a Hindi film.
Fig. 1: Hindi personified as a helpless, traditional Indian woman and English as the confident,
modern woman (see Corpus for source).
In text 1, the image (fig. 1) shows Hindi personified as the poor woman who
looks on helplessly as her husband/fiancé (personifying the ‘system’ that uses
language for its functioning) goes after ‘English’ personified by the other woman
who looks younger, more modern and confident. The text shows Hindi expressing
her sorrow using words borrowed from a Bollywood song.
(1) gairon pe karam, apnon pe sitam, ae jaan-e-wafa ye
zulm na
strangers on bliss own on torture O darling, this
injustice not
kar
do
“Blissful with strangers and torturing your own, O darling don’t
do this injustice.”
The song in the movie depicts the hero cozying up to a beautiful girl whom he
has just met while his fiancée, whom he is ignoring, looks on helplessly and sings
this song where she implores him to not do such injustice that is torturing his
‘own’ (by ignoring publicly) while pampering and indulging ‘others’. The text
uses the cultural frame of the helplessness of a typical Indian woman when her
husband/fiancé ignores her in favor of another woman whom he finds more
attractive. This frame is then mapped on to the language situation of India where
Hindi, the one that is supposedly ‘own’ is ignored by the system/speakers while
English, the ‘other’, is valued more as ‘she’ is more attractive (due to its international
status and value in job market). The central metaphor is the
personifycation of LANGUAGES ARE WOMEN which is grounded in the grammatical
gender of bhaasha (‘language’) being feminine. It creates a culture-specific
metaphor which maps the construction of woman in these two roles (a neglected
wife without agency and a pampered girlfriend with agency) to grammatically
feminine languages.
Text 2
Text 2 (see fig. 2) does not contain much text except labelling the two women as
Hindi and English and the poster with Hindi Diwas (Hindi ‘day’) written on it.
Fig. 2: Hindi personified as a traditional Indian woman and English as the ‘modern’ woman of
‘foreign’ origin (see Corpus for source).
Text 2 is similar to text 1 in its overall framing with the man (personifying the
‘system’ or the ‘speakers’) getting attracted to the more ‘modern’ woman even
when betrothed/married to the ‘traditional’ woman.
Text 3
In text 3 (see fig. 3), Hindi is depicted as an old, sick mother in torn clothes who is
being brought on to the stage, to be crowned and garlanded on Hindi day. The
‘son’ (representing the native Hindi speakers) requests ‘aunt’ English who is
crowned and sitting on a throne, to get off the throne for just that one day.
Fig. 3: Hindi personified as the poor, neglected mother and English as the royal, powerful aunt
(see Corpus for source).
The visual here once again shows Hindi (personified as the mother) in a tattered,
neglected state while English (personified as the ‘aunt’) is the royal woman, the
one holding the (socio-political) power.
The text in the picture is as follows:
(2) Aunty ! pleez utariye ! sirf aaj mummy ko sinhasan
par baithana
Aunt please get down only today mother Dat. throne
on make sit
hai… mala pehnana hai
be garland make wear be
“Aunty ! Please get down. Only for today, have to seat mother on
the throne and garland her.”
This text, which is again based on the contrast between Hindi and English, differs
from text 1 and text 2 in terms of the roles assigned to the languages. However,
the overall frame remains same, in terms of the scale of comparison as well as the
gender of the personifications, including the ‘agent’ (the ‘speakers’ or the ‘state’
who sanction the use of language and hence its worth).
As discussed in section 3.2, the socio-political context in which these personifications
of language are situated works on the hierarchical status of the two
languages. All the three texts personifying the two languages draw from the fact
that English, although still seen as the language of ‘foreigners’, is valued and
preferred over Hindi because of its demand in the domain of employment,
technology and higher education. It hence ‘wins’ over the speakers whose native
language is Hindi but it is not able to get them a good job, education and money.
This results in the neglect of the ‘own’ (Hindi) and favor to the ‘other’ (English).
All the three texts use the cultural frame that typifies women in dualities of
character, assigned by the male ‘agent’ (the one who has agency). Here the
duality is in terms of the status and power of the two languages, via the status
and power the ‘male’ can achieve through their use. The one that is old-fashioned
and traditional is powerless in procuring success, even though it is the one to
whom the speakers are expected to be loyal because it is their ‘own’. On the other
hand we find the ‘other’, the ‘stranger’, the ‘outsider’ who can be used to gain
power in the society. Thus, the mapping of the ‘traditional, dependent,
powerless’ woman and the ‘modern, confident, powerful’ woman on to grammatically
feminine languages gives us the metaphor of ‘language women’ as Sarangi
(2009) calls them.
4.2 Texts personifying the noun mehengaai (‘inflation’; fem.)
Text 4
Mehengaai is personified as a very negative yet a powerful agent. In text 4 (see fig.
4), ‘inflation’ is personified as a flirtatious woman who is running after the
present head of state (a man) with a rose in her hand. The previous head of the
state (also a man) who too had been pestered by her during his tenure is enjoying
the scene, expressing how she had been after him too for 10 years.
Fig. 4: mehengaai (‘inflation’) personified as a flirtatious woman (see Corpus for source).
The picture personifies ‘inflation’ as a ‘voluptuous, flirtatious’ woman trying to
woo men. The exact phrase used by the previous PM (the written text) is as
follows:
(3) das saal tak mere piichhe padi thii, ab…..
ten years till me being after was, now….
“She was after me for 10 years, now ……”
Text 5
In text 5 (see fig. 5), mehengaai is shown complementing the onion for its greatness
because it has contributed to her (inflation’s) grandeur (due to sudden inflation in
the price of onion at that time). Here again, mehengaai is shown dressed up in
somewhat revealing clothes and voluptuous figure.
Fig. 5: ’Inflation’ personified as the ‘evil’ woman (see Corpus for source)
The text used in the figure is as follows:
(4) badha dii hai meri shaan, pyaaz tum ho bahut mahaan
increased my grandeur, onion you are very great
“(You) have increased my grandeur, Onion ! you are great.”
The text personifies mehengaai as a powerful woman with evil intentions. The
facial expression is especially conspicuous in communicating the ‘evilness’ of the
character. The evil look exudes the power that she has on people’s lives, as is also
feebly visible in the expression of the man peeping out of the window.
Text 6
Text 6 is a folk song where mehengaai is termed as daayan (‘witch’; fem.) who
devours resources, savings and lives. The first sentence goes like:
(5) sakhi, saiyaan to khoob kamaat hai, mehengaai daayan
khae jaat hai….
Friend (fem.), husband a lot earns (Sing.), inflation witch
keeps eating
“Friend (female)!, my husband earns a lot but the witch inflation
keeps eating up all he earns.”
Here a woman is expressing her woes to her female friend, insisting that her
husband earns a lot but the witch (i.e. the inflation) keeps eating up all (here,
money).
This provides a different negative shade of the ‘womanly’ persona attributed to
inflation. A witch is by default considered to be a female and is known to scare or
even kill people, sometimes taking away children. In all these texts, mehengaai is
personified as a ‘negative but powerful’ woman who instills fear in people’s
minds. ‘She’ even holds the power and control to topple governments. Even
heads of the state (supposedly powerful people) are scared of her. The
construction frames used are located on the negative end of the moral-ethical
scale applied to female characters. Thus, mehengaai is an immoral woman, she is a
witch, she is openly flirtatious who runs after powerful men (heads of the state)
and she dresses and acts indecently.
4.3 Texts personifying the noun vikaas (‘development’; masc.)
Text 7
Text 7 is a single satirical statement (source – see Appendix 2) with no visual text,
presented below:
(6) ladka paida hone ke intzaar me do ladkiyaan paida ho
gain, notbandi
boy be born of wait in two girls have taken birth,
demonetization
aur GST, par vikaas paida na hua
and GST, but development not born
“In waiting for a boy to be born, two girls have taken birth –
‘demonetisation’ and ‘GST’, but vikaas is not born yet.”
The statement refers to the policies of the present regime in which development
was a key promise that people later felt had not been fulfilled. Instead, the
government brought in demonetization and GST bill both of which were seen to
have made a negative impact on the country. In this text, both of these nouns
have been treated as feminine, thus personified as girls.
Text 8
In Text 8 (see fig. 6), a political leader is shown making a promise regarding
development, to which a common woman is replying.
Fig. 6: ‘Development’ personified as the ‘desired son’ in a dialogue between a politician and a
common citizen (see Corpus for source).
(7) Politician: hamaari sarkar aaegi to vikaas
hoga
Our government will come then development will
happen
“When our government comes, development will take place.”
To the above statement, the woman in the picture (referring to her
female child), replies:
Woman: pichhlii baar bhi tumne yahi kaha tha magar
Pinki hui thii
Last time also you same had said but Pinki was
born
“Last time also you had said the same thing (that Vikas will be
born) but Pinki had taken birth.”
The dialogue in text 8 is based on the fact that ‘Vikaas’ is a proper name for boys
and ‘Pinki’ is a proper name for girls in Hindi. The politician means ‘development’
when he says ‘Vikaas’ but it is interpreted as a boy’s name in the woman’s
response, when she says that last time also same promise was made (of the birth
of a boy) but a girl was born.
Text 9
Text 9 (see fig. 7) shows US president ‘requesting’ Vikaas, “the lost son” to return
back to father (Indian PM).
Fig. 7: The term Vikaas (‘development’) ambiguously used in the context to refer to a male
named Vikaas (see Corpus for source).
The verbal text is as follows:
(8) Vikas beta kaha ho, Modi papa ro rahe hai.., ghar waapis
aa jao
Vikas son where be Modi father crying home return
come
“Son Vikas, where are you? Father (Modi) is crying, please return
home.”
The interpretation in text 9 again stems from the double meaning generated by
the use of the word Vikaas as a common noun (meaning ‘development’) and as a
proper noun referring to a boy.
Text 10
Text 10 has no visuals and the text is very similar to text 9. All the party members
(of the political party which had ‘development’ as its agenda) are searching for
Vikaas (invoking of the double meaning of the word as in text 9) and saying:
(9) Vikaas beta ek baar ghar aa jao, tumhe koi kuchh nahi
kahega
Vikaas son one time home come, you anybody anything
not say
“Son (Vikaas), please return once, nobody will say anything to
you.”
In all the texts personifying vikaas, it is the ‘son’, either lost or desired, in effect
absent. In texts 7 and 8, vikaas is personified as the ‘desired son’. This
interpretation is rooted in the Indian cultural context where a son is considered as
a boon (contrary to a daughter who is considered a burden) in most households.
Thus, these two texts in order to personify vikaas as the ‘desired son’, make use of
two linguistic ambiguities – first is the use of the verb ho-na which usually means
‘to happen/take place’ but it also means ‘to be born’. The other is the term vikaas
itself, which can either have a nominal meaning (development) or a proper name
for a male.
The ‘lost son’ interpretation is rooted in the political context where the ruling
regime had made tall claims and loud promises of development in all domains in
its election manifesto. Thus, vikaas was much talked-about and eagerly awaited
but when the masses could not find it in any of the domains, he was assigned the
status of a lost son. Metaphorically, everybody began searching for ‘him’.
5. Summary and Conclusion
The analysis of the texts personifying the three concepts mehengaai, vikaas and
bhaasha gives us some interesting patterns of interaction between the culturalhistorical
context of language use and the grammatical structure, to provide new
grammatical gender-based metaphors.
What is common to the three personifications is that all of these have been
personified according to their grammatical gender in all the chosen texts.
However, as discussed in section 1.2, the masculine and feminine personifications
are shaped by different parameters. Gender construction of grammatically masculine
nouns usually employs more abstract means of personification, as opposed
to the more visual means used for personification of feminine nouns.
Interestingly, all the texts containing the masculine noun vikaas are based on the
‘absence’ of the object referred. As discussed in section 1.2, the physicality aspect
dominates the personification of the feminine nouns. Except in one instance (text
6), all other texts containing the feminine nouns bhaasha and mehengaai present a
visually rich and detailed physical profile of the personified noun.
Both mehengaai and bhaasha have been visualized as females but vikaas is only
linguistically conceptualized as a male.
The personified feminine nouns can also be placed on the moral-ethical scale
(discussed in section 1.2) in terms of the agency, control, sexuality and relativized
identity. But the picture that emerges cannot be explained through a onedimensional
moral-ethical scale. Rather, several dualities of the personality traits
of ‘woman’ emerge from the analysis. In the bhaasha texts, the ‘traditional,
powerless, ignored’ woman is located on one end and the ‘modern, powerful,
attractive’ woman is located on the other end of the dual scale. The morality
dimension is overshadowed by agency in this contrast, although visually it can
be seen in the attire of the contrasting feminine characters, especially in text 1 and
2. In the mehengaai texts, however, the negative polarity of the female character
can be clearly seen in the attire, facial expression and the setting of the visuals.
The non-visual text (text 6) locates the female character on the negative end of
moral-ethical scale by the very use of the term daayan (‘witch’).
The role of the masculine personification in all the texts personifying feminine
nouns (text 1 to text 6) is especially interesting even though it is not central to the
interpretation of the texts. Firstly, in the bhaasha texts, whether it is the ‘system’ or
the ‘speech community’ of the language, the agent who assigns value to the
female (by preferring one over the other) is personified as a male, even though
the speakers of a language and people in the administrative system consist of
both male and female humans. The cultural-historical frame that assigns the male
the ultimate agency of assessing and evaluating the female (on the moral scale or
her worth and use for him) can be clearly seen working in the bhaasha texts. Thus,
the agency that seems to lie with the ‘powerful’ female i.e. English, is actually
with the ‘male’ who decides which of the two females is of more use to him in the
present condition.
In the mehengaai texts however, the ‘female’ is not under control of the men,
rather ‘she’ controls them. In text 4 for instance, the men (state heads) are seen
running away from her. In text 5, a scared man is peeping out of the window
while in text 6, the ‘female’ (mehengaai daayan) is what everybody is scared of.
Hence, mehengaai is the ‘bad, scary, ominous woman’ who is at the extreme end
of the moral-ethical scale, a woman who is not under the control of men. This
observation is in accordance with Tipler and Ruscher’s (2017) ‘predator/prey’
scale where women who cannot be controlled by men are perceived as ‘predators’
and therefore bad for the society.
Furthermore, the analysis reveals some important processes underlying
grammatical gender-based personification. In Indian political discourse, culturalhistorical
motivation of the discourses plays a major role in deciding the nature of
these personifications. The following proposed model depicts how the interplay
of linguistic structure, gender-sex mapping and cultural-historical frame of
patriarchy shapes up the personifications:
Fig. 8: A working model of the interaction between the culture-specific frames of social gender
and the grammatical gender-based categorisation of nouns.
This model (see fig. 8) functions as follows: with the evolution of human society,
certain cultural frames have taken shape that semantically ground everyday
discourses in human communication. These frames govern comprehensively
almost every aspect of the way human males and females are framed and act in
society. This general framework can be further broken down into sub-frames like
‘sons are more desirable than daughters’ or ‘men exist independently, women
exist relatively’. In a language that categorises all nouns as masculine and feminine,
features of the prototypical members of gender classes (human males and
females) get mapped on to other members that is animals and inanimate objects.
Thus, the cultural frames and, as a result, the cultural-cognitive models applicable
to human males and females then also govern masculine and feminine
nouns in the process of personification giving us the following personification
metaphors
BHAASHA, THE WOMAN WITH CONTRARY SHADES (depending on ‘her’
social position),
MEHENGAAI, THE EVIL WOMAN,
VIKAAS, THE LOST/DESIRED SON.
The study thus concludes that grammatical gender in a language may have a
deep impact on how the speakers of that language conceptualise animals and
inanimate objects. This conclusion supports the linguistic relativity hypothesis
according to which the structure of a language shapes the world-view of its
speakers. The effect manifests deeply at higher cognitive levels like metaphorical
conceptualisation and particularly personification because it can easily accommodate
physical attributes which are commonly exploited in sex/gender-based
division. But at the same time, it is not merely a one to one correspondence
between grammatical gender and biological sex that results in gender-based
personification metaphor. Rather, this relationship is mediated by the larger
cultural frame pertaining to male-female equation that decides which personification
metaphor is used in the final text and discourse. Although a study
based on the personification of three nouns in 10 texts represents a very limited
dataset, it refers to a deep interaction between grammatical gender and social
construction of gender and the role of the cultural context that grounds this
setting. The analysis corroborates the findings of studies in this area as reported
in the Introduction. For instance, the findings are very similar to Romaine’s (1998)
analysis of the feminisation of physical spaces like cities and countries in
discourse and Sarangi’s (2009) analysis of the feminization of languages in postindependence
India. Patterns of metaphorisation similar to the predator/prey
metaphor observed in Tipler and Rusche’s (2017) study was also found in this
study. The fact that a profound gender-based metaphorisation is found in
political discourse refers to the possibility of such metaphors in other discourse
genres too. Though this framework helps to understand the interaction of
linguistic structure and cultural-cognitive processes, it does not imply that all
gendered personifications will agree with the grammatical gender of the
personified nouns. There may be numerous other factors at play, prototype-like
class membership being one of those. In a nutshell, the present study hints at the
need for more elaborate research on this topic.
6. References
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Boroditsky, Lera/Schmidt, Lauren A./Phillips, W. (2003): “Sex, syntax, and
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Press.
Dixon, Robert, M. W. (1972): The Dyirbal language of North Queensland, Cambridge:
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Drzazga, Grazyna/Stroinska, Magda (2012): “The grammatical gender of Death:
a textual and discourse approach”, in: Tekst i Dyskurs 5, 205–221.
Dusche, Michael (2014): “Women’s Rights in India: Hierarchical ethics vs
Egalitarian Morality”, in: South Asia Chronicle 4, 228–253.
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(1), 35–60.
Garcia-Fernandez, Monica (2017): “Gender Metaphors in Representations of the
Biological Body: An Analysis of the Popular Medical Literature Published”,
in: Cultural History 6 (2), 209–226.
Guru, Kamta P. (1920): Hindi Vyākaraņ, Kashi: Lakshmi Narayan Press (1962
edition).
Hamilton, Craig A. (2002): “Mapping the mind and the body: On W.H. Auden’s
personifications”, in: Style 36(3), 408–427.
Jurafsky, Daniel (1996): “Universal Tendencies in the Semantics of the Diminutives”,
in: Language 72 (3), 533–578.
Kachru, Y. (2006): Hindi, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.
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Kegan Paul.
Konishi, Toshi (1993): “The Semantics of Grammatical Gender: A Cross-Cultural
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Kovecses, Zoltan (2005): Metaphor in Culture: Universality and Variation,
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Kulkarni, Anushka (2017): “Internet meme and Political Discourse: A study on
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Lakoff, George/Johnson, Mark (1980): Metaphors we live by, Chicago: Chicago
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Lakoff, George (1987): Women, fire and dangerous things: What categories reveal about
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Lakoff, George/Turner, Mark (1989): More than cool reason, Chicago: Chicago
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MacKay, Donald G. (1986): “Prototypicality among metaphors: On the relative
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Mishra, Suneeta (2018 a): “Grammatical gender as a tool to create humor in
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Mishra, Suneeta (2018 b): “Grammatical gender in story texts: Interaction of
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Montashery, Iraj (2013): “Figurative Construction of Gender through Metaphor
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Musolff, Andreas (2017): “Metaphor and Cultural Cognition”, in: Farzad
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and cognition”, in: Lavidas, Nikolaos/Alexiou, Thomaï/Sougari, Areti M.
(eds.): Major trends in Theoretical and Applied Linguistics 2, James Cook
University, 109–124.
Perrez, Julien/Reuchamp, Min (2014): “Deliberate metaphors in political
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Piata, Anna/Canovas, Christobal, P. (2017): “Powerful rhyme and sluttish time:
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Metaphors: Influence of Grammatical Gender and Animateness on
Referential Choice of Metaphorical Name of the Person in the Russian
language”, in: Social and Behavioral Sciences 154, 280–285.
Romaine, Suzanne (1998): Communicating gender, London: Taylor & Francis.
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Discourses in Colonial North India”, in: Gender & History 21 (2), 287–304.
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7. Corpus
Fig. 1:
https://awadhibhasha.files.wordpress.com/2010/07/14-9-091.jpg (26.03.2020).
Fig. 2:
https://mediakhabar.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/hindi-divas-parhindi-
cartoon.jpg (26.03.2020).
Fig. 3:
http://janwadiaahwan.blogspot.com/2015/09/reflection-of-cartoons-on-hind....
html (26.03.2020).
Fig. 4:
https://faizanahmad1.blogspot.com/2014/08/blog-post.html (26.03.2020).
Fig. 5:
https://hindi.webdunia.com/hindi-jokes/pyaj-par-chutkule-
115081900059_1.html (26.03.2020).
Fig. 6:
*https://www.google.com/search?q=jokes+on+vikas&tbm=isch&ved=2ah
UKEwjs3#imgrc=Bgve01aEIk2tEM (Jokes on vikaas) (26.03.2020).
Fig. 7:
https://pinakipratihar.files.wordpress.com/2015/02/10433063_1099012790
155088_1895604294479944122_n.jpg (26.03.2020).
Text 6:
http://www.hindilyrics.net/lyrics/of-
Mehngai%20Dayain%20Khaye%20Jaat%20Hai.html (26.03.2020).
Text 7:
*https://www.google.com/search?q=jokes+on+vikas&tbm=isch&ved=2ah
UKEwjs3#imgrc=onv-sO3FK3ubdM (Jokes on vikaas) (28.03.2020).
https://geetmanjusha.com/lyrics/923-gairon-pe-karam (27.11.2018).
https://www.inc.in/images/Pages/English%20Manifesto%20for%20Web.pdf
(07.04.18).
http://cdn.narendramodi.in/wpcontent/
uploads/2014/04/Manifesto2014highlights.pdf (07.04.18).
https://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/highlights-of-bjp-manif...
2014/ (06.04.18).
https://indianexpress.com/photos/picture-gallery-others/congress-release...
for-election-2014/ (06.04.18).
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/lok-sabhap...
2014-highlights-of-the-bjp-manifesto-2014/articleshow/33385409.cms
(06.04.18)https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-andnation/
congresss-2014-manifesto-focuses-on-economy-growth-farmers-anduniversal-
healthcare/articleshow/31501299.cms (06.04.18).
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/Lok-Sabha-polls-Congress-releases-
2014-peoples-manifesto/articleshow/32717181.cms (06.04.18).
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/BJP-manifesto-2014-
Highlights/articleshow/33386835.cms (06.04.18).
https://thewire.in/politics/why-bihars-voters-find-it-hard-to-disentangle-
Vikaas-from-caste (09.04.2018).
http://censusindia.gov.in/2011Census/C-16_25062018_NEW.pdf (06.05.19)
* Links to these texts/ figures do not direct to a single image but these images/
texts can be separately seen in the side pane. These texts/images have been used
by several sites and blogs, where these are embedded in larger contexts. Thus, the
link that shows in the main key term search has been provided.
7. Appendices
Appendix 1: List of nouns (representing popular themes/issues) extracted from
party manifestos and news sources for political news in India from 2014-2018
1. aarakshan (reservation; masculine)
2. acchhe din (good days; masculine plural)- This is one of the rare catchword in
plural form
3. beef ban (mostly used as masculine but gender not consistent)
4. bhaasha (language; feminine)- This is abstracted from usages like rashtrabhaasha
(national language and matri-bhaasha (mother tongue)
5. bhrashtachaar (corruption; masculine)
6. deshbhakti (patriotism; feminine)
7. digital India (gender not clear, mostly found as a standalone slogan)
8. GST (Goods and Services Tax; borrowed from English, mostly used as
masculine but gender not consistent)
9. gaay (cow; semantically and morphologically feminine)
10. Hindutva (Hinduism; masculine)
11. jumlaa (originally ‘a sentence/phrase describing a state-of-affairs’ but of late
being used to satirically mean ‘false promises’; masculine)
12. Kashmiir (the state of Kashmir; masculine)
13. mehengaai (inflation; feminine)
14. naukrii (job; feminine)
15. notbandii (demonetization; feminine)
16. Rafale (Rafale planes; inconsistent gender)- This refers to the scam related to
buying of Rafale planes by India
17. Ram mandir (Temple in the name of Lord Ram; masculine)
18. RTI (Right to Information Act; inconsistent gender)
19. sena (army; feminine)
20. swatchhta abhiyaan (cleanliness drive; masculine)
21. vikaas (development; masculine)

Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges

Annegret Richter

Universität Leipzig (annegret.richter@uni-leipzig.de)

Abstract

Der Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges spielt im Kontext des algerischen Bürgerkriegs während der sog. décennie noire der 1990er Jahre. Der Text problematisiert aber eine über den Bürgerkrieg hinausgehende Kultur der Gewalt, die durch Geschlechtermetaphern vermittelt wird. Diese beziehen sich einerseits auf den Protagonisten Rhoulem, der intergeschlechtlich ist, das heißt zugleich männliche und weibliche Geschlechtsmerkmale hat und daher nicht eindeutig einem Geschlecht zugeordnet werden kann. Darüber hinaus werden auch Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit metaphorisch dargestellt. Der Roman stellt Geschlecht vor allem mit negativen Tier- und Objektmetaphern dar. Intergeschlechtlichkeit als Abweichung vom Zweigeschlechtersystem wird dabei nicht als eigene Geschlechtsidentität festgeschrieben, sondern im Rahmen von Sprachlosigkeit, Feminisierung und Dehumanisierung konzipiert.
Der Titel des Romans drückt diese Sprachlosigkeit aus: nicht Rhoulems Intergeschlechtlichkeit findet sich dort wieder, sondern diese wird als Geschlechtslosigkeit analog zu der der Engel bezeichnet. Die Analyse der Geschlechtermetaphorik wird verknüpft mit Connells Konzept der hegemonialen Männlichkeit. Mit diesem Konzept kann die Hierarchie der Geschlechter als gesellschaftliches Strukturprinzip analysiert werden, das das Potential einer Person, Opfer von Gewalt zu werden, koordiniert.
Verletzbarkeit ist in diesem Roman an eine weibliche soziale Position (unabhängig vom Geschlecht der Person) gebunden und beinhaltet das Potential der Dehumanisierung, die schließlich den Tod des Protagonisten zur Folge hat.

The novel Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges is set in the context of the Algerian civil war during the socalled décennie noire of the 1990s. The text, however, raises the problem of a culture of violence that goes beyond the civil war and is conveyed through gender metaphors. These relate on the one hand to the protagonist Rhoulem, who is intersexual, i.e. has both male and female characteristics and therefore cannot be clearly assigned to one gender. In addition, masculinity and femininity are also metaphorically represented. The novel depicts gender above all with negative animal and object metaphors. Intersexuality as a deviation from the gender binary cannot be defined as a separate gender identity, but is conceived within the framework of speechlessness, feminisation and dehumanisation. The title of the novel expresses this speechlessness: it does not express Rhoulem’s intersexuality, but it is captured in terms of an absence of gender analogous to that of angels. The analysis of gender metaphors is linked to Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. This concept allows the gender hierarchy to be analysed as a social structural principle that coordinates the potential of a person to become a victim of violence. Vulnerability in this novel is tied to a female social position (independent of the gender of the person) and contains the potential of dehumanization that ultimately results in the death of the protagonist.

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Seite 141

Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman
Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges
Annegret Richter, Universität Leipzig (annegret.richter@uni-leipzig.de)
Abstract
Der Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges spielt im Kontext des algerischen Bürgerkriegs während
der sog. décennie noire der 1990er Jahre. Der Text problematisiert aber eine über den Bürgerkrieg
hinausgehende Kultur der Gewalt, die durch Geschlechtermetaphern vermittelt wird. Diese
beziehen sich einerseits auf den Protagonisten Rhoulem, der intergeschlechtlich ist, das heißt
zugleich männliche und weibliche Geschlechtsmerkmale hat und daher nicht eindeutig einem
Geschlecht zugeordnet werden kann. Darüber hinaus werden auch Männlichkeit und
Weiblichkeit metaphorisch dargestellt. Der Roman stellt Geschlecht vor allem mit negativen
Tier- und Objektmetaphern dar. Intergeschlechtlichkeit als Abweichung vom Zweigeschlechtersystem
wird dabei nicht als eigene Geschlechtsidentität festgeschrieben, sondern im Rahmen
von Sprachlosigkeit, Feminisierung und Dehumanisierung konzipiert. Der Titel des Romans
drückt diese Sprachlosigkeit aus: nicht Rhoulems Intergeschlechtlichkeit findet sich dort wieder,
sondern diese wird als Geschlechtslosigkeit analog zu der der Engel bezeichnet. Die Analyse der
Geschlechtermetaphorik wird verknüpft mit Connells Konzept der hegemonialen Männlichkeit.
Mit diesem Konzept kann die Hierarchie der Geschlechter als gesellschaftliches Strukturprinzip
analysiert werden, das das Potential einer Person, Opfer von Gewalt zu werden, koordiniert.
Verletzbarkeit ist in diesem Roman an eine weibliche soziale Position (unabhängig vom
Geschlecht der Person) gebunden und beinhaltet das Potential der Dehumanisierung, die
schließlich den Tod des Protagonisten zur Folge hat.
The novel Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges is set in the context of the Algerian civil war during the socalled
décennie noire of the 1990s. The text, however, raises the problem of a culture of violence
that goes beyond the civil war and is conveyed through gender metaphors. These relate on the
one hand to the protagonist Rhoulem, who is intersexual, i.e. has both male and female
characteristics and therefore cannot be clearly assigned to one gender. In addition, masculinity
and femininity are also metaphorically represented. The novel depicts gender above all with
negative animal and object metaphors. Intersexuality as a deviation from the gender binary
cannot be defined as a separate gender identity, but is conceived within the framework of
speechlessness, feminisation and dehumanisation. The title of the novel expresses this
speechlessness: it does not express Rhoulem’s intersexuality, but it is captured in terms of an
absence of gender analogous to that of angels. The analysis of gender metaphors is linked to
Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. This concept allows the gender hierarchy to be
analysed as a social structural principle that coordinates the potential of a person to become a
victim of violence. Vulnerability in this novel is tied to a female social position (independent of
the gender of the person) and contains the potential of dehumanization that ultimately results in
the death of the protagonist.
metaphorik.de 30/2020
100
1. Vorstellung des Textes
Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges, veröffentlicht 1995, erzählt die
Geschichte von Rhoulem, einer Figur, die nicht eindeutig dem männlichen oder
weiblichen Geschlecht zugeordnet werden kann,1 jedoch als Junge aufgezogen
wird. 2 Bereits der Name Rhoulem verweist auf den prekären Status dieser
Männlichkeit, wie zu zeigen sein wird. Der Roman spielt im Algerien der 1990er
Jahre. Die politischen Konflikte und der Bürgerkrieg der sog. décennie noire3 treten
nur vereinzelt in den Vordergrund der Handlung, sind aber über Andeutungen
stets präsent. Damit erzählt der Text – aus einer homodiegetischen Perspektive –
nicht nur vom individuellen Schicksal des Protagonisten, sondern vermittelt
darüber hinaus auch das Klima der Gewalt und deren Auswirkungen auf die
algerische Bevölkerung.
1 Es gibt unterschiedliche Begriffe, um das Vorliegen von Merkmalen beider Geschlechter zu
bezeichnen, wobei Hermaphroditismus, Intergeschlechtlichkeit und Intersexualität heute am
häufigsten sind. Das Wort Hermaphroditismus geht auf den antiken Mythos des Hermaphroditos
zurück, dem Sohn der Götter Hermes und Aphrodite. Seit den 2000er Jahren werden auch
die Begriffe Intersexualität und Intergeschlechtlichkeit verwendet.
2 Da es im Deutschen derzeit noch keine allgemein akzeptierten eigenen Formen zur Bezeichnung
intergeschlechtlicher Personen gibt, folgt der Artikel dem Sprachgebrauch des
Romans und verwendet für Rhoulem das grammatische Maskulinum.
3 Der Bürgerkrieg begann Ende 1991, als die Regierung den zu erwartenden Wahlsieg der 1989
gegründeten islamistischen Partei FIS (Front islamique du salut) nicht akzeptierte und die Wahl
annullierte. Diesem Konflikt waren jedoch Jahre der Fehlwirtschaft und in der Folge eine
Zunahme der Armut und der sozialen Spannungen bei gleichzeitigem Bevölkerungszuwachs
vorangegangen (cf. Evans/Phillips 2007: 106f.). Demonstrationen gegen die Regierung und
soziale Unruhen wurden blutig niedergeschlagen (z.B. Oktober-Unruhen von 1988, cf. Evans/
Phillips 2007: 102-106). Hauptkonfliktparteien des Bürgerkrieges waren der Staat, die FIS und
die GIA (Groupes islamiques armés), allerdings kam es mit der Zeit zu einer Zersplitterung der
Akteure (z.B. Privatmilizen, Guerillaeinheiten, Untergrund- und Terrorgruppen) und zu einer
zunehmenden Bewaffnung der Bevölkerung (Schmid 2005: 211-214). Kennzeichnend für den
Bürgerkrieg waren nicht nur Folter, Vergewaltigungen und Morde durch die verschiedenen
Akteure, sondern auch Verschleierungsstrategien bezüglich der Identität der Angreifer (cf.
Schmid 2005: 215). Seit Mitte der 90er Jahre kam es zu zahlreichen Massakern gegen die Zivilbevölkerung,
die von unterschiedlichen Gruppen verübt wurden. Erst 1999/2000, nach der
Wahl Bouteflikas zum Präsidenten, flaute der Bürgerkrieg ab. Intellektuelle und Schriftsteller
waren eine der Zielgruppen der terroristischen Gruppen des Bürgerkriegs, weshalb laut
Schneider (1998) Fériel Assima unter Pseudonym schreibt und sich dadurch den Freiraum verschafft,
die Desintegration der algerischen Gesellschaft in ihrer Brutalität und Aussichtslosigkeit
zu schildern (cf. Schneider 1998).
Richter: Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges
101
Ich möchte kurz auf einige zentrale Aspekte der Romanhandlung eingehen, um
den Kontext verständlich zu machen, in dem die Metaphern eingesetzt werden.
Der Protagonist Rhoulem erfährt im Verlauf seines Lebens massive Diskriminierung
und Gewalt. Geboren in eine arme Familie in der Gegend von Oran,
wird er im Alter von 14 Jahren von seiner Mutter in einer Näherei bei Oran
abgegeben, deren – anonyme – Leiterin (zugleich die Erzählerin des Romans) ihm
Lesen und Schreiben beibringt und ihn später zu ihrem Assistenten macht.
Rhoulem träumt davon, in Algier ein Nähwarengeschäft zu eröffnen. Aus
Geldmangel muss sich Rhoulem jedoch prostituieren, bis ein Bekannter eine
Arbeitsstelle in Algier vermittelt. Unmittelbar nach seiner Ankunft wird Rhoulem
von seinem zukünftigen Chef, dem „commandant“, gefoltert und vergewaltigt
und schließlich unter sklavenähnlichen Bedingungen als Tänzer in einem Nachtclub
eingesetzt. Ein Akt der Rebellion gegen diese Umstände führt zur Ermordung
Rhoulems.
2. Geschlechtermetaphorik
Die Romananalyse konzentriert sich auf die Untersuchung der Geschlechtermetaphorik,
da das Geschlecht im Text als zentrales Strukturprinzip fungiert, das
soziale Hierarchien koordiniert. Metaphern werden von Lakoff/Johnson (72011:
13) ganz allgemein als das Verständnis eines Konzeptes in Begriffen eines
anderen Konzeptes definiert. Zwischen den beiden Konzepten des source domain
(Quellbereich) und target domain (Zielbereich) muss keine Ähnlichkeit bestehen;
diese wird vielmehr in kulturspezifischer Weise metaphorisch hergestellt
(Lakoff/Johnson 72011: 177). Darüber hinaus wird ein Konzept nicht vollständig,
sondern nur partiell in den Begriffen eines anderen verstanden (Lakoff/Johnson
72011: 17-19). Die Autoren untersuchen dezidiert nicht-poetische Aussagen auf
ihren metaphorischen Gehalt, um zu zeigen, dass Metaphern nicht auf Literatur
beschränkt sind, sondern das menschliche Denken strukturieren (Lakoff/Johnson
72011: 11). Metaphern haben laut Lakoff/Johnson (72011: 179) die soziale
Funktion, Realitäten zu schaffen, an denen Menschen ihr Handeln orientieren,
was ähnlich einer self-fulfilling prophecy die Fähigkeit der Metapher verstärke,
menschliche Erfahrung kohärent zu machen. Lakoffs und Johnsons Konzept der
Metapher kann jedoch auch für literaturwissenschaftliche Analysen herangemetaphorik.
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102
zogen werden, wenn es um die Frage geht, welche kognitiven Konzepte der
Konstruktion der fiktionalen Welt des literarischen Textes zugrunde liegen.
Die Untersuchung der Geschlechtermetaphorik im Roman greift außerdem auf
die theoretischen Konzepte der Heteronormativität und der hegemonialen Männlichkeit
zurück. Heteronormativität bezeichnet eine soziale Norm, die auf einem
binären Geschlechtermodell basiert, in dem das anatomische mit dem sozialen
Geschlecht übereinstimmt und sexuelles Begehren ausschließlich gegengeschlechtlich
erfolgt. Abweichungen von dieser Norm, etwa ein uneindeutiges
anatomisches Geschlecht (Intergeschlechtlichkeit), die Nichtübereinstimmung
von anatomischem und sozialem Geschlecht (Transsexualismus oder Transgender)
oder nicht-heterosexuelles Begehren wurden und werden in unterschiedlichem
Maße pathologisiert und sozial stigmatisiert. Wagenknecht definiert
Heteronormativität als ein Prinzip, das nicht nur „Menschen in die Form zweier
körperlich und sozial klar voneinander unterschiedener Geschlechter [drängt]”,
sondern auch normative Annahmen über ‘gesunde’ Körperlichkeit produziert
und „als apriorische Kategorie des Verstehens fungiert”, wodurch alles, was ihr
nicht entspricht, diskriminiert und ausgelöscht werde (Wagenknecht 2007: 17).
Das Konzept der Heteronormativität erfasst aber weder die Hierarchie zwischen
den Geschlechtern noch soziale Unterschiede innerhalb eines Geschlechts. Das
Konzept der hegemonialen Männlichkeit setzt an diesen Leerstellen an. Hegemoniale
Männlichkeit bezeichnet eine soziale Dynamik, die Beziehungen von
Herrschaft und Unterordnung nicht nur zwischen Männern und Frauen herstellt,
sondern allgemein zwischen dominanten Männern und anderen Geschlechtsidentitäten,
darunter Frauen, nicht-binären Identitäten, aber auch untergeordneten
Formen von Männlichkeit (cf. Connell 2015: 130-131). Diese untergeordneten
Identitäten werden in der Gesellschaft oft als weiblich oder
‘verweiblicht’ wahrgenommen, was bedeutet, dass sich maskulin und feminin
nicht wirklich auf Geschlechtsidentitäten bezieht, sondern eher auf soziale
Positionen innerhalb einer geschlechtlich konditionierten Machtstruktur. Das
Konzept von Connell berücksichtigt somit spezifisch die Geschlechterverhältnisse
zwischen Männern (2015: 131). Männlichkeit ist hier keine Neuformulierung
eines ahistorisch biologisierten Patriarchatsbegriffs, vielmehr geht
es um historisch formierte und kulturell spezifische Herrschaftsstrategien einer
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Gruppe gegenüber einer anderen (2015: 130-131). Diese Strategien basieren
sowohl auf sozialer Interaktion als auch auf einem normativen Ideal, das nur von
wenigen Männern voll verwirklicht werden kann, aber dennoch „die gesellschaftlich
akzeptierte Art, ein Mann zu sein” definiert. Somit zwingt dieses
Konzept alle Männer dazu, sich selbst (affirmativ oder kritisch) zu diesem Ideal
zu relationieren (cf. Meuser 2009: 162).
In der Analyse der Geschlechtermetaphorik soll herausgearbeitet werden, mittels
welcher Quellbereiche Geschlecht repräsentiert wird, um daraus das Verhältnis
von Männlichkeiten (hegemonial und nichthegemonial), Weiblichkeit und Intergeschlechtlichkeit
abzuleiten. Es soll gezeigt werden, inwiefern dem Roman
metaphorisch einerseits ein heteronormatives Verständnis von Geschlecht zugrunde
liegt, da die Intelligibilität des Geschlechts die Vorbedingung sozialer
Kategorisierung des Menschen ist. Darüber hinaus soll jedoch auch gezeigt
werden, dass sich im Roman nicht zwei komplementäre Geschlechterpositionen
gegenüberstehen, sondern dass der Roman eine absteigende Hierarchie von Geschlechtern
darstellt, wobei hegemoniale Männlichkeit eine übergeordnete
Position einnimmt und sich nicht nur von Weiblichkeit und Intergeschlechtlichkeit,
sondern auch von subalternen Formen der Männlichkeit abgrenzt.
Metaphern bezüglich Intergeschlechtlichkeit, Weiblichkeit und Männlichkeit im
Roman lassen sich anhand ihrer zugrundeliegenden Quellbereiche in vier
Gruppen gliedern: Objekt-, Tier-, Supranatur- 4 und Sozialstrukturmetaphern.
Intergeschlechtlichkeit wird dabei im Roman nicht als eigene Geschlechtskategorie
erfasst, sondern als Formlosigkeit bzw. Geschlechtslosigkeit oder als
‘beschädigte Männlichkeit’ bzw. Feminisierung.
4 Als der Supranatur zugehörig bezeichne ich Wesen, die dem Bereich des Übernatürlichen
entstammen, wie z.B. Gott, Teufel, Totengeister, Rachegöttinnen u.a.
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2.1 Metaphorisierung von Intergeschlechtlichkeit
Der Roman beginnt mit der Geburt des Protagonisten und mit der für Mutter
und Hebamme verstörenden Feststellung, dass das Neugeborene sich nicht eindeutig
einem der beiden Geschlechter zuordnen lässt, sondern Merkmale sowohl
des männlichen als auch des weiblichen Geschlechts aufweist und damit
intergeschlechtlich ist. Daher ergänzen Objektmetaphern die anatomische Beschreibung:
„Les deux sexes semblaient soudés l’un à l’autre et, quand on croyait
en discerner un, on oubliait l’autre; quand on reconnaissait l’autre, la forme en
était si étrange qu’on n’était plus sûr de rien” (Assima 1996: 7). Während die
visuelle Wahrnehmung des Geschlechts Verunsicherung angesichts einer nicht
klar identifizierbaren Anatomie und biologischen Einordnung produziert, ermöglicht
die Metapher des Nähens bzw. der Naht ein erstes sprachliches
Erfassen der Intergeschlechtlichkeit des Neugeborenen. Die Naht macht das
gleichzeitige Vorhandensein männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtsorgane sichtbar,
aber andererseits verschwimmt an ihr die eindeutige Zuordnung zu einem
der Geschlechter. Die Metapher positioniert also das Kind außerhalb einer
heteronormativen Geschlechtszugehörigkeit, in der Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit
einander ausschließen. Die Hebamme versucht, eine religiöse Erklärung für
die Intergeschlechtlichkeit des Neugeborenen zu finden: „Dieu n’avait pas eu le
temps d’achever son ouvrage” (Assima 1996: 8). Wenngleich diese Aussage die
Allmacht Gottes schmälert, der nach klassischer Auffassung nicht unter Zeitdruck
stehen dürfte, kann so dennoch Rhoulem als Teil der göttlichen Schöpfung
angesehen werden. Im Übrigen steht die hier aufgerufene Assoziation des
Hermaphroditismus mit einem ‘zu wenig’ (einem unfertigen Geschlecht) im
Kontrast zum vorher aufgerufenen Bild eines ‘zu viel’ durch die Kombination
von Anteilen beider Geschlechter. Die Abweichung vom heteronormativen Ideal
produziert nicht nur Verunsicherung, sondern wird auch in eine widersprüchliche
Bildsprache übersetzt, die zwischen den Polen männlich und
weiblich schwankt, ohne dass eine kohärente ‘dritte’ Position erlangt würde.
Die visuelle Uneindeutigkeit des Geschlechts wird von der Erzählinstanz metaphorisch
nicht nur korrigiert, sondern geradezu überkompensiert. Die Erzählerin
beschreibt das Geschlecht des Neugeborenen metaphorisch als „petite corne
orgueilleuse” (Assima 1996: 7), an die sich jedoch statt Hoden Labia anschließen.
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Ein Organ, bei dem aus der visuellen Wahrnehmung nicht hervorgeht, ob es sich
um einen kleinen Penis oder eine vergrößerte Klitoris handelt, wird nicht nur als
„verge” (ebd.) bezeichnet, sondern auch durch die Metapher des Horns mit
einem klassischen Phallussymbol in Verbindung gebracht.
Die Hebamme folgt, wie die Erzählerin, einem androzentrischen Wahrnehmungsraster,
wenn sie dem Kind trotz offenkundig weiblicher Geschlechtsanteile
das männliche Geschlecht zuweist. Hier wird Männlichkeit in eine
hierarchische Beziehung zu Weiblichkeit gesetzt: „Les deux femmes accablées
considéraient en silence la soudure qui avait ‘gâté’ le fruit de ce petit homme”
(Assima 1996: 7). Die Metapher der Naht dient hier nicht mehr dazu, die
Verbindung beider Geschlechter zu markieren, sondern steht – nachdem erst
einmal das männliche Geschlecht des Kindes festgelegt wurde –, für dessen
Beschädigung durch weibliche Anteile. Die Metapher der verdorbenen Frucht
verdeutlicht, dass Weiblichkeit eine zerstörerische Wirkung auf Männlichkeit hat.
Das weibliche Element wird als Fehlbildung des männlichen Körpers markiert (cf.
Schneider 1998). Intergeschlechtlichkeit erscheint daher als beschädigte Männlichkeit.
5 Dieses Motiv wird im Roman auch an späterer Stelle aufgegriffen, als
der Protagonist in der Näherei von anderen Arbeiterinnen als „homme coupé”
beschimpft wird (Assima 1996: 39).
Die Hebamme ist nicht nur die erste, die das uneindeutige Geschlecht des
Neugeborenen feststellt, sie gibt ihm auch den Namen Rhoulem: „Rhoulem, et
rien d’autre! Avec cette chose qu’il a au milieu des jambes, on ne peut l’appeler
qu’ainsi, et c’est très bien comme ça. Allez! On va pas s’amuser à changer de nom
tous les quarts d’heure!” (Assima 1996: 8). Dieser Name kann ebenfalls als
Metapher gelesen werden. Bei dem Wort Rhoulem, arabisch غلام (ghulām),
handelt es sich um eine Derivation der Grundform غلم (ghalima), die ‘von
Sinnenlust ergriffen sein’ bedeutet. Das Wort غلام (ghulām) bezeichnet einen
5 Die Hebamme ist sich der Prekarität ihrer Geschlechtszuweisung allerdings bewusst, da sie
der Mutter des Babys empfiehlt, „cette chose qu’il a au milieu des jambes” (Assima 1996: 8) zu
verstecken. Das Geschlecht als Ding zu bezeichnen, das nicht zum Körper zu gehören scheint,
weist nicht nur auf die Begriffslosigkeit der Romanfiguren bezüglich Intergeschlechtlichkeit hin,
sondern auf die destabilisierende Wirkung der Abweichungen von Heteronormativität, weshalb
der Text metaphorisch zwischen unterschiedlichen Quellbereichen oszilliert.
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‘Jungen bzw. Jüngling’, aber auch ‘Sklave bzw. Diener’ (cf. Schneider 1998; Wehr
1979: 925). Während die erste Bedeutung auf eine vorübergehende Lebensphase
verweist (Jugend), bezeichnet die zweite Bedeutung eine sozial untergeordnete
Position (Diener), d.h. eine nichtsouveräne bzw. heteronome Form der Männlichkeit.
Damit referiert der Name Rhoulem metaphorisch auf sozialstrukturelle
Aspekte. Zudem sind die Begriffe غلام/غلاميات (ghulāmiyyāt/ghulām) auch in der
klassischen arabischen mujūn-Dichtung (Libertinismus), insbesondere bei Abū
Nuwās (8./9. Jh.), verankert, wo sie für den Topos einer begehrenswerten androgynen
Schönheit von jungen6 männlichen oder weiblichen Dienern bei Hofe
stehen (Lagrange 2000: 1-2).7 Tatsächlich ist auch Rhoulem Objekt der Begierde
für mehrere Figuren des Romans („le commandant“, der Freund Gabi, die
Tänzerin Azria). Rhoulem befindet sich stets in einer subalternen, prekären
Position, denn aufgrund seiner Armut hängt sein Überleben stets vom Wohlwollen
Anderer ab, und er hat nie die Möglichkeit, ein selbstbestimmtes Leben zu
führen. Zusammenfassend betrachtet legt die Hebamme durch die Namensgebung
also Rhoulems Männlichkeit fest und stellt sie zugleich in Frage, indem
sie sie als subalterne Männlichkeit rahmt. Der Name verdeutlicht das Stigma, mit
dem Rhoulem belegt wird.
Dieses Stigma wird am Ende des Romans vom „commandant“ aufgegriffen, der
Rhoulem nach dessen Rebellionsversuch – ein Angriff mit einer zerbrochenen
Flasche – beschimpft und bedroht: „Vous savez que c’est une fillette? Il n’a rien
sous son pagne: ni le poil fin d’une fille, ni le poil dru d’un homme. [...] Dieu ne
lui a même pas fait l’honneur d’être une putain!” (Assima 1996: 153). Auch für
den „commandant“ ist Rhoulems uneindeutige Geschlechtlichkeit (angedeutet
durch die negative Konjunktion „ni… ni…”) ein Mangel an Männlichkeit, aber er
begnügt sich nicht damit, ihn nur als ‘beschädigten Mann’ zu betrachten oder zu
feminisieren. Vielmehr weist er ihm in der sozialen Hierarchie eine Position
6 Bouhdiba (2003: 46) zufolge war das traditionelle islamische Geschlechterverständnis davon
geprägt, die Jugend unabhängig vom tatsächlichen Geschlecht der Person in der Nähe der
Weiblichkeit zu verorten. Junge Männer konnten daher ebenso verführerisch erscheinen wie
Frauen: “La seule vue des jolis garçons passe aux yeux du fiqh pour troublante et terriblement
tentatrice” (ebd.).
7 Rhoulems spätere Arbeit in der Bar greift diese Tradition direkt auf, da er in Frauenkleidern
für das Publikum tanzen muss.
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unterhalb der Prostituierten zu, da er so gesehen ohne Konsequenzen sexuell
ausgebeutet werden kann: „Et sa mère l’a bien nommé, puisque c’est le seul
trésor dont on peut profiter sans avoir à se faire pardonner!” (ebd.). In der
Objektmetapher trésor für das weibliche Geschlecht drückt sich die paradoxe
Position aus, die Rhoulem einnimmt: einerseits werden seine weiblichen Geschlechtsanteile
deutlicher wahrgenommen als die männlichen, während er
andererseits dennoch als – wenn auch beschädigter – Mann adressiert wird.
Die Gäste der Bar, in der Rhoulem arbeitet, bewundern seine androgyne Gestalt
und vergleichen ihn hinsichtlich seiner Fähigkeit, durch den Tanz Objekt ihres
Begehrens zu werden, mit einer Frau: „C’est merveilleux, c’est magnifique… Il a
le bassin étroit… Il danse aussi admirablement qu’une femme. […] Magnifique,
merv... Aïe! qu’est-ce qu’elle nous fait là? Aïe! Je meurs!” (Assima 1996: 103).
Über den reinen Vergleich hinaus kommt es in dieser Passage auch zu einem
Wechsel des Personalpronomens: vom maskulinen il zum femininen elle, der die
Instabilität von Rhoulems Gender verdeutlicht (cf. Schneider 1998). Bei seinen
Auftritten wird Rhoulem mit weiblichen Formen wie „danseuse”, „fille” und mit
der Tiermetapher gazelle (Assima 1996: 103; 104; 151) bezeichnet.8 Die Metapher
hat aber in diesem Zusammenhang nicht nur die Funktion, auf die erotische
Anziehungskraft gerade angesichts geschlechtlicher Ambivalenz hinzuweisen.
Vielmehr steht der Verweis auf die klassische arabische Literaturtradition in
krudem Gegensatz zum Ort der Handlung: einer Spelunke, deren stark
alkoholisierte Gäste die Sängerinnen und Tänzerinnen sexuell beleidigen und
belästigen (cf. Assima 1996: 100-102).
Der „commandant“, welcher Rhoulem nach dessen Revolte bedroht, spricht
dessen Intergeschlechtlichkeit mit einer pejorativen Tiermetapher an: „Écoutez
cet escargot qui voudrait me faire la morale” (Assima 1996: 153). Diese Metapher
wurde nicht nur aufgrund des Hermaphroditismus der Schnecken gewählt, sondern
auch, um Rhoulems Rechtlosigkeit und subalterne Position hervorzuheben,9
8 Der Begriff gazelle (ar. ghazāl غزال ) ist in der klassischen arabischen Literatur als Bezeichnung
für junge, begehrenswerte Männer oder Frauen bekannt; غزل hat darüber hinaus die
Bedeutungen ‘Flirt, Erotik, Liebesdichtung’ (cf. Wehr 1979: 788).
9 Auch das Deutsche kennt die metaphorische Wendung jemanden zur Schnecke machen, allerdings
ohne intergeschlechtliche Konnotation, als Ausdruck für die Erniedrigung einer Person.
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die im weiteren Verlauf des Textes ermöglicht, dass er von den Gehilfen des
„commandant“ ermordet wird.
Rhoulems Tod wird im Roman mehrfach metaphorisch vorweggenommen. Die
Erzählerin bezeichnet Rhoulem während dessen Zeit in der Näherei als Lamm,
dessen Zukunft ungesichert ist und das der Hilfe bedarf: „[l]e plus doux des
agneaux. Qu’est-ce qu’ils vont faire de cet agneau? Si quelqu’un pouvait l’aider”
(Assima 1996: 11). Diese Tiermetapher, entsprechend Rhoulems zugewiesenem
Gender in der maskulinen Form gebraucht, drückt die Unschuld und Hilflosigkeit
Rhoulems aus, kann aber auch, angesichts ihrer christlichen Konnotation, als
Vorwegnahme seines gewaltsamen Todes am Ende des Romans interpretiert
werden. Hassina, Rhoulems Mutter, vergleicht Rhoulem, als sie ihn in seinem 14.
Lebensjahr in der Näherei abgibt, mit einem geschmorten Kaninchen, um zu
betonen, welche Last10 er für sie darstellt, da sie ihn weder in eine Schule noch in
die Armee abgeben kann: „Ce n’était qu’un bout de viande que je chauffais à la
braise, comme un lapin” (Assima 1996: 21). In der Bildsprache der Mutter ist
Rhoulem ein Stück Schmorfleisch, und damit nicht nur ein Tier, sondern ein
getötetes Tier. Sie fasst seine Vorbereitung auf das Erwachsenenleben als ‘in der
Glut schmoren’ auf, als sei es eine Vorbereitung auf das spätere Konsumiertwerden.
Die Metapher kann daher als Anspielung auf Rhoulems spätere Tätigkeit
als Prostituierter und auch auf seinen gewaltsamen Tod gelesen werden. Die
Metapher un bout de viande ist nicht geschlechtlich konnotiert und kann daher
als Metapher für die ‘Geschlechtslosigkeit’ Rhoulems betrachtet werden. Diese
Deutung wird durch die Aussage der Mutter gestützt, dass ihr Kind geschlechtlich
nicht festgelegt sei: „[c]e gosse, tu peux en faire aussi bien une fille comme un
garçon” (Assima 1996: 22).
Als eine Prolepse zu Rhoulems Tod kann auch die folgende Anmerkung der
Erzählerin betrachtet werden, die ihn beobachtet, als er in der Näherei als
„homme coupé” beleidigt wird: „Le visage maigre et blanc, Rhoulem était
semblable à une lémure” (Assima 1996: 39). Lemuren sind bekanntlich in der
römischen Mythologie die Geister von Verstorbenen, die die Unterwelt verlassen
haben und an ihre früheren Wohnorte zurückzukehren, um dort Unheil zu stiften
10 Hassina bezeichnet Rhoulem mit einer Objektmetapher als fardeau (Assima 1996: 12).
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(Nardo 2002: 133). Der noch lebende Rhoulem erscheint der Erzählerin bereits als
einem Toten ähnlich, womit sie – wenngleich weniger herabwürdigend – das von
der Mutter aufgeworfene Bild des im Leben bereits toten Rhoulem komplementiert:
Während die Mutter Rhoulem als toten Körper bezeichnet (viande),
spielt die Erzählerin auf den Geist des Toten an.
Dass Rhoulem gehäuft mit Tier- und Objektmetaphern in Verbindung gebracht
wird, deutet darauf hin, dass er als ein Mensch mit „ungenügend und inadäquat”
vergeschlechtlichtem Körper die „Grenze des Menschlichen” repräsentiert (cf.
Fellner/Hamscha 2009: 41). Heteronormativität ist damit nicht nur an eine
eindeutige Geschlechtszugehörigkeit gebunden und setzt die Geschlechter in ein
hierarchisches Verhältnis, sondern sie produziert ein spezifisches Verständnis
des Menschlichen (Schneider 2009: 340).11
2.2 Metaphorisierung von Weiblichkeit
Metaphorische Ausdrücke für Frauen oder Weiblichkeit basieren vorwiegend auf
den Quellbereichen Tiere und Supranatur und dienen zumeist dazu, negative
Konnotationen zu vermitteln. So werden zu Beginn des Romans die Nachbarinnen,
die Rhoulems Geburt feiern, von der Erzählerin als zu viel tanzende
diablesses, welche wie Tiere beuglaient (Assima 1996: 9), bezeichnet. Sie werden
zudem mit Gänsen und Kühen verglichen, die durch Gefräßigkeit gekennzeichnet
seien: „Elles les ont gavées comme des oies et les plus jeunes se sont
goinfrées comme des génisses” (ibid.). Rhoulems Geburtsfeier wird von Hassina
in erster Linie auf Anraten der Hebamme organisiert, um den Anschein von
Normalität herzustellen. Die Tiermetaphern drücken weniger ein Fehlverhalten
der eingeladenen Frauen aus, für das der Roman keine Anhaltspunkte gibt, als
vielmehr die hohen Kosten, die die sozialen Techniken der Normalisierung, die
11 Wenn Butler (2008) davon spricht, dass „the human being is a differentiating effect of power”,
so weist sie auf das Problem hin, dass unser Verständnis, was menschlich ist und was nicht,
selbst das Ergebnis sozialer Normen sei: „for humanness to become possible – in specific times
and places – depends on certain types of social norms that are involved in the exercise of producing
and ‚de-producing’ humanness” (ibid.). Menschlichkeit ist nach diesem Verständnis an
bestimmte soziale Bedingungen gebunden: „When we ask what the conditions of intelligibility
are by which the human emerges […] we are asking about conditions of intelligibility composed
of norms, of practices, […] without which we cannot think the human at all” (Butler 2001: 621).
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Aufrechterhaltung des Scheins, dass es sich bei Rhoulem um ein ‘normales’ Kind
handele, mit sich bringen. Die Frauen bezeichnen das Kind als „cet ange, ce beau
garçon” (Assima 1996: 9). Das Nomen „garçon” weist zunächst darauf hin, dass
sich die Metapher ange nicht etwa auf geschlechtslose Engel bezieht (anders als
etwa im Titel des Romans), sondern tatsächlich nur auf die Schönheit des Kindes.
Diese Interpretation wird jedoch in der kurz darauffolgenden Hammam-Szene
destabilisiert, als Rhoulem mit seiner Mutter, wie bei einem kleinen Jungen
üblich, in den Frauen-Hammam geht, dort aber die übergriffige Neugierde der
anderen Frauen ertragen muss, die sein Geschlecht betrachten wollen (Assima
1996: 11). Ähnlich wie in der vorangegangenen Szene werden die Frauen metaphorisch
als Furien bezeichnet, um ihr Bedrohungspotential für die Konstruktion
von Rhoulems Männlichkeit auszudrücken: „Ces satanées mégères cherchaient
parfois à le chasser, ou bien elles se lançaient à sa poursuite, dans ces jeux
malsains qui les rendent hystériques” (Assima 1996: 11).
Auch die Tänzerinnen in der Bar, die Angst vor Rhoulems uneindeutiger Geschlechtsposition
haben und ihn daher bedrohen, werden als gefährliche Tiere
metaphorisiert: „les danseuses l’attendaient toutes griffes dehors” (Assima 1996:
79). Mit einer Tiermetapher wird schließlich auch eine Spinnerin in der Näherei
während der bereits erwähnten Beleidigungsszene definiert: „gloussant comme
une pintade” (Assima 1996: 47), womit die Erzählerin verdeutlicht, dass sie die
Arbeiterin nicht ernstnimmt.
Einen wichtigen Aspekt der Metaphorisierung von Weiblichkeit stellen die Bereiche
der Ehe und der Schwangerschaft im Roman dar. In diesem Zusammenhang
muss erwähnt werden, dass eine der Funktionen der Näherei, in der
Rhoulem aufwächst, darin besteht, unehelich schwanger gewordenen Mädchen
ein Obdach zu geben, damit sie und ihre Familien nicht dem sozialen Stigma
ausgesetzt werden, das mit weiblicher außerehelicher Sexualität verbunden ist.
Diese Mädchen werden von ihren Müttern mit äußerst negativen Objekt- und
Tiermetaphern beschrieben: „Cette pourriture a quelque chose de mauvais dans
les fourres” (Assima 1996: 16); „une vraie chienne” (Assima 1996: 16). Die Metaphern
der Fäulnis und der Hündin drücken unmoralisches Verhalten bzw.
mangelnde sexuelle Selbstkontrolle und Enthaltsamkeit aus. Die Metaphorik der
Unreinheit, die der unehelichen Sexualität zugeschrieben wird, greift der Text an
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späterer Stelle des Textes erneut auf, als Rhoulems Kollegin Azria die Scheinheiligkeit
und Doppelmoral der Gesellschaft gegenüber ihrem Berufsstand beklagt:
„Nous, on est le côté puant des femmes. Chez elles [i.e. den Ehefrauen der
Männer, die sich in der Tanzbar betrinken], le sexe, c’est propre. Un tamis
d’amour filtre le meilleur” (Assima 1996: 82). Reinheit bzw. Schmutz sind Metaphern
für die soziale Legitimität bzw. tolerierte Illegitimität, das Sieb steht für
die Verleugnung des triebhaften Verhaltens der Männer außerhalb der Ehe bzw.
für den Selbstbetrug, der die Ehe aufrechterhält. Daher ist eine Frau, die heiraten
möchte, für Azria nur „[u]ne chienne”, die „s’apprête à se faire violer” (Assima
1996: 87).
Die Ehe ist im Roman also keineswegs positiv konnotiert. Als eine bereits ältere
Arbeiterin ihre Ansichten über die Ehe kundtut, kritisiert sie, dass Frauen auf
ihre Rolle als Gebärende reduziert und darüber hinaus nicht ernst genommen
werden. Sie metaphorisiert Frauen in diesem Zusammenhang als eine Art
Nutztier: „Quand elle a fini de pondre, on la met de côté” (Assima 1996: 42).
Anwärterinnen auf die Ehe erscheinen ihr lediglich als Objekte des Begehrens:
„une petite poupée tlemcénienne, une perle de Constantine” (Assima 1996: 42),
während alle Frauen metonymisch als „putains” (Assima 1996: 35) bezeichnet
werden, wobei die Arbeiterin auch die Ehemänner ausführlich beleidigt. Die
zahlreichen Konflikte zwischen den Geschlechtern, die aus dieser pejorativen
Bildsprache hervorgehen, sowie ein obsessives Verhältnis zur Sexualität sind ihr
zufolge eine der Ursachen für den Niedergang des Landes: „Ça menace au nom
de l’islam et ça viole dans les maquis. [...] Oui, ma chère, ils sont tous nés avec un
sexe à la place du cerveau” (Assima 1996: 42-43).12
12 Zu einem ähnlichen Schluss wie die Arbeiterin kommt die Erzählerin: „ces hommes étaient
déjà – ou n’allaient pas tarder à devenir – des monstres esclaves à leur sexe” (Assima 1996: 34).
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2.3 Metaphorisierung von Männlichkeit
Die alte Frau lässt, wie erwähnt, auch an den Männern kein gutes Haar, die metonymisch
als „bouseux”, „vaurien”, „borgne” oder als „diables de fichus vauriens”
bezeichnet werden, um die Aussichtslosigkeit und Absurdität der Ehe als einzige
Option für Frauen hervorzuheben (Assima 1996: 35).13 Das negative Bild der
Familie wird im Roman auch durch Rhoulems Erlebnisse unter dem „commandant”
verstärkt. Der Freund, der Rhoulem die Arbeit vermittelt, verspricht ihm:
„Tu arrives dans ta famille [...]. Pour le moment, tu vas dormir chez un frère”
(Assima 1996: 61). Die Angestellten werden von der Erzählerin als Familie und
als verbrüdert dargestellt, allerdings wird dieses Konzept direkt nach Rhoulems
Ankunft als Lüge entlarvt, da er gefoltert wird, um seine Gefügigkeit zu erzwingen.
Rhoulem lernt außerdem Bazouz kennen, einen der Untergebenen des
„commandant”, der ihn einarbeiten soll und der selbst einst vom „commandant”
verstümmelt wurde, als er einen Fluchtversuch wagte: „La verge a disparu dans
un magma de viande séchée, brûlée, une chose affreuse ou l’on dévine une
mutilation atroce... Un lambeau de chair pend à la place des testicules arrachées”
(Assima 1996: 64). Das Ausmaß der Gewalt, mit der Unterordnung erzwungen
wird, gipfelt in dem Roman in der Objektmetapher magma und verweist damit
auf eine Naturgewalt. Die zerstörte Männlichkeit wird, wie auch Rhoulems uneindeutiges
Geschlecht, als chose bezeichnet. Damit wird die Verstümmelung
Bazouz’, das heißt die Auswirkungen sozialer Gewaltverhältnisse, durch eine
Naturmetapher ausgedrückt, als sei Gewalt unvermeidlich.
Rhoulem beobachtet in Algier außerdem, wie die Männer des „commandant”
den Sohn des benachbarten Bäckers, einen geistig behinderten Jungen, quälen:
Les hommes étaient assis, chacun devant une bouteille de vin. L’un
d’eux tenait au bout d’une corde une masse de chaire laiteuse. Un
monstre, un amas de bourrelets, de chair grasse et flasque. [...] Il ne
voyait qu’une boule blanche. Un homme, brusquement, enfourcha la
masse, qui poussa un râle plus terrifiant. Dans cette forme boudinée,
Rhoulem reconnut soudain le corps d’un garçon obèse, une sorte de
13 Das vollständige Zitat lautet: „Elle aura pour mari un vaurien. Si le vaurien en veut pas, un
borgne. Et si le borgne en veut toujours pas, alors on la donnera à un de ces diables de fichus
vauriens qui sont toujours prêts à marier une putain.” (Assima 1996: 35).
Richter: Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges
113
mammifère chauve qui criait et se débattait. Rien d’humain: un
pachyderme (Assima 1996: 73).
Der Junge wird von den Männern homophob beschimpft und schließlich vergewaltigt
– und zwar „comme une femme”, wie die Erzählerin bemerkt. Nicht
zufällig wird er als Säugetier bezeichnet, denn dabei handelt es sich um eine
Tierklasse, die von einer Eigenschaft ihrer weiblichen Vertreter bestimmt wird,
nämlich der Fähigkeit, Nachwuchs zu säugen. Diese Assoziation wird durch das
Bild der „chaire laiteuse” des Jungen noch verstärkt (vgl. Schneider 1998).
Zwischen Weiblichkeit und Nichtmenschlichkeit scheint es keinen kategorialen
Unterschied, sondern eher einen fließenden Übergang zu geben. Die Bildsprache
schwankt zwischen Tier- und Objektmetaphern (mammifère, pachyderme, boule),
die durch die Adjektive weiß bzw. milchig zusammengehalten werden, um
Feminisierung und Dehumanisierung ineinander zu blenden. Beide können im
Roman als die vorherrschenden Formen der „ästhetisch-symbolische[n]
Verschiebung” angesehen werden, durch die Wagenknecht (2007: 17) zufolge
jegliche Abweichung vom Konzept der Heteronormativität markiert wird.
3. (Nicht-)Intelligibilität und hegemoniale Männlichkeit
Heteronormativität impliziert damit nicht nur zwei distinkte und in sich kohärente
Geschlechtsidentitäten, wie es Butlers Verständnis etwa in Gender Trouble
nahelegt (1991: 37), sondern vermittelt in Assimas Roman eine über vergeschlechtlichte
Positionen vermittelte soziale Hierarchie, die gewaltvoll durchgesetzt
und aufrechterhalten wird. Meines Erachtens reduziert sich das Problem in
Assimas Text damit nicht auf die Frage der Intelligibilität. Diese wird bei
Rhoulem virulent, wie ich gezeigt habe. Allerdings stellt sich die Frage, warum
auch intelligible Figuren mit eindeutiger Geschlechtsidentität – nämlich Frauen
wie Hassinas Nachbarinnen und Männer wie Bazouz – ebenfalls abgewertet
werden und Gewalt ausgesetzt sind. In Assimas Roman wird ein hierarchisches
und metaphorisch motiviertes Modell von Geschlecht aufgestellt, in dem der
Abstieg von der ‘unbeschädigten’ Männlichkeit über die ‘beschädigte’ Männlichkeit
bis hin zur Weiblichkeit mit einer Abnahme der Intelligibilität und einer
zunehmenden Entmenschlichung korrespondiert, von der nicht nur Rhoulem,
sondern auch alle anderen Figuren des Romans in unterschiedlichem Maße
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betroffen oder potentiell bedroht sind. Daher schlage ich vor, für die Analyse der
Heteronormativität auch Connells Konzept hegemonialer Männlichkeit hinzuzuziehen.
In Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges basiert hegemoniale Männlichkeit zunächst auf
einem klassischen heteronormativen Verständnis der Anpassung und Integration
von anatomischem Geschlecht, sozialem Geschlecht und Sexualität: klar definierte
biologische Geschlechter (männlich/weiblich) und Heterosexualität. Innerhalb
dieses Modells erhalten bestimmte Männer (typologisch dargestellt durch
den „commandant”) die beherrschende Stellung, indem sie wirtschaftliche Macht
und körperliche Gewalt anwenden.
Rhoulem als intergeschlechtlicher Charakter symbolisiert eine extreme Abweichung
von der hegemonialen Position. Er existiert jenseits von bestehenden
Geschlechterkategorien und ist damit für seine soziale Umgebung als Mensch
nicht intelligibel. Das heißt, sein Geschlecht ist, da es außerhalb der Binarität
‚männlich-weiblich‘ steht, undenkbar und unsichtbar. Daher kann es nicht
beschrieben, sondern nur mit Hilfe von Metaphern evoziert werden, die ihn als
Abweichung von der Norm sozial delegitimieren. Mit Delegitimierung ist nicht
nur eine untergeordnete soziale Position gemeint, wie etwa die untergeordnete
Position von Frauen oder Männern gegenüber dem „commandant”, sondern eine
Position, die in der Gesellschaft gar keinen Platz hat. Die anderen Charaktere
reagieren daher mit unterschiedlichen Formen der verbalen und physischen
Gewalt gegen Rhoulem, die eine Art Bestrafung dafür sind, dass er außerhalb der
Geschlechtsbinarität steht, während sie gleichzeitig das Modell der hegemonialen
Männlichkeit unterstützen und legitimieren.
Die metaphorische Darstellung Rhoulems lässt sich mit den vier Aspekten beschädigte
Männlichkeit, Mangel an adäquater Sprache und Kategorisierung
(damit einhergehend Oszillation und Unsicherheit der Genderpositionierung
Rhoulems), Feminisierung und Entmenschlichung zusammenfassen, die die verschiedenen
Formen und Grade der Gewalt beinhalten, mit denen die Charaktere
des Textes auf Rhoulems Intergeschlechtlichkeit und damit auf seine Nichtintelligibilität
reagieren. Dabei handelt es sich einerseits um symbolische Gewalt,
die sich aus der Unfähigkeit ergibt, Rhoulems Geschlechtlichkeit sprachlich zu
Richter: Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges
115
erfassen, da die Sprache selbst geschlechterbinär strukturiert ist. Diese symbolische
Gewalt kann sich aufgrund der Hierarchie, die das Zweigeschlechtersystem
strukturiert, jedoch auch in physische Gewalt transformieren.
Wenngleich die Erzählerin zu Beginn des Romans kommentiert, dass „[a]u pays
des femmes, un homme peut avoir toutes les tares. Toutes lui sont pardonnées.
Sauf une: qu’il ne soit pas un homme” (Assima 1996: 10), und damit ein binäres
Geschlechtermodell im Blick hat, so zeigt der Roman anhand der verschiedenen
Figuren, dass nicht nur Intergeschlechtlichkeit, sondern auch Weiblichkeit und
subalterne Männlichkeit abgewertet werden. Baider/Gesuato, die sich freilich
nur mit Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit befassen und andere Geschlechter ausblenden,
kommen in ihrer Untersuchung zu „Masculinist Metaphors” zu folgendem
Befund: „The worst insult to a man is then to be compared to a woman.
Therefore the woman, being the subhuman in the great chain of being, has to be
compared to an animal to be insulted”, woraus sie ableiten, dass „[t]his suggests
that people similarly conveived of as less than prototypically human, or at least
considered ‘marginal’ within the framework of the mainstream values, may be
talked about in similarly belittling ways” (Baider/Gesuatro 2003: 21).
Eine ähnliche Konstellation lässt sich für Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges ableiten,
allerdings weist der Roman insofern eine größere Komplexität auf, als das Zweigeschlechtsschema
durch unterschiedliche männliche Positionen und einen intergeschlechtlichen
Protagonisten pluralisiert wird. Der hegemonialen Männlichkeit
(verkörpert durch den „commandant”), die nicht direkt beschrieben und fast
unbestimmt bleibt, steht ein breites Spektrum an unterschiedlichen subalternen
Positionen gegenüber (schwach – prostitutiv – weiblich – intergeschlechtlich –
behindert – verdinglicht), die die betroffenen Figuren in unterschiedlichem Maße
als Personen delegitimieren und ihre Menschlichkeit aberkennen. Während die
weiblichen Figuren insbesondere mit Tier- und Objektmetaphern beschrieben
werden, die die gesellschaftliche Doppelmoral bezüglich des Umgangs der Geschlechter
offenbaren, wird die Subalternität der Männlichkeiten gewaltvoll
durch (physische) Feminisierung zementiert. Hegemoniale Männlichkeit bezieht
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sich daher im Roman sowohl auf eine ‘weibliche’ soziale Position (unabhängig
vom Geschlecht einer Person) als auch auf eine potentielle Entmenschlichung.
Mit dem Konzept der hegemonialen Männlichkeit können wir Rhoulem ou le sexe
des anges als eine politische Allegorie verstehen, die sich nicht nur auf Algerien
während des Bürgerkriegs der 1990er Jahre bezieht, sondern auf eine generalisierte
geschlechtsbezogene Gewalt in der algerischen Gesellschaft, die Teil der
Alltagskultur ist, und die die Hintergrundfolie des Romans bildet.
4. Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges vor dem Hintergrund des algerischen
Bürgerkrieges
Auf den ersten Blick ist Assimas Roman fast ausschließlich auf Rhoulems Geschichte
konzentriert, denn der Leser erfährt nur wenig von den gesellschaftlichen
Hintergründen, den politischen Auseinandersetzungen oder Konflikten im
Algerien der 1990er Jahre. Die wenigen Andeutungen jedoch, die der Roman
macht, verweisen darauf, dass sich Gewalt nicht nur gegenüber den Protagonisten
entlädt, sondern Teil der allgemeinen gesellschaftlichen Kultur ist. So
lässt sich Rhoulem, bevor er nach Algier gelangt, beispielsweise in einem
verlassenen Slum in der Nähe einer Militärbasis nieder. Die Erzählerin berichtet,
wie immer wieder Arme von den Militärs aus ihren Behausungen vertrieben
werden, sich dann aber schnell wieder neue Slumsiedlungen bilden, in denen
eine „insoutenable misère” herrsche und in denen wiederum Vertreibung drohe
(Assima 19996: 57). So wird der Eindruck einer allgegenwärtigen Militärpräsenz
erzeugt, die sich aber nicht gegen einen militärischen Gegner richtet, sondern
gegen die algerische Bevölkerung selbst. Damit verschwimmen die Grenzen
zwischen Krieg oder Bürgerkrieg und Frieden, und das Militär destabilisiert die
Gesellschaft, ohne dass die Gründe für dieses Verhalten ersichtlich würden.
Gewalt ist im Roman allgegenwärtig, und zwar fast ausschließlich in der Form
sexueller Gewalt (cf. Schneider 1998). Zu betonen ist allerdings, dass einige
Formen dieser Gewalt mitunter als geradezu alltägliche Ereignisse anmuten, über
die sich niemand mehr wundert. Dies wird in einer Passage deutlich, in der die
Direktorin der Näherei auf der Straße von einem kleinen Jungen, der sich vor ihr
entblößt, angespuckt wird, weil sie sich als Frau allein in der Öffentlichkeit
Richter: Geschlechtermetaphorik in Fériel Assimas Roman Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges
117
bewegt, und von einem anderen Passanten, der die Szene beobachtet, nur den
Rat bekommt: „Fallait sortir avec ton mari” (Assima 1996: 161).
In der Näherei wiederum beklagen sich die Arbeiterinnen darüber, dass nicht nur
auf der Straße, sondern generell Lebensgefahr für Frauen herrsche (cf. Schneider
1998): „On sait ce qu’ils racontent: les femmes violées, égorgées. Moi, j’ai entendu
les maçons, quand ils sont venus. Ils disaient: ‚Si on savait le stock de femmes
qu’il y a ici, ça ferait un malheur!’” (Assima 1996: 121). Damit spielt der Text auf
die islamistischen Massaker des Algerischen Bürgerkrieges an, die in den 1990er
Jahren Tausende Menschen das Leben kosteten. Der Bürgerkrieg als solcher wird
an einer Stelle angesprochen: „La guerre! La guerre, comme on dit maintenant…
Où elle est, cette guerre, qu’on la voit même pas?” (Assima 1996: 144). Die
Näherin Ginane (eine Unabhängigkeitskriegsveteranin) verweist darauf, dass,
anders als in einem ‘normalen’ Krieg (etwa im Unabhängigkeitskrieg der
Algerier, mit dem sie die gegenwärtigen Verhältnisse vergleicht), hier zwar die
Gewalt allgegenwärtig ist, aber völlig unklar bleibt, wer eigentlich wen aus
welchem Grund oder mit welchem Ziel bekämpft.
Schneider (1998, 2009) zufolge steht Rhoulem für die abgespaltene, verleugnete
kulturelle Hybridität Algeriens: „Naming Algeria Muslim, secular, Berber, Arab
or any other single term might be compared to naming an ambiguously sexed
child either male or female” (Schneider 1998). Sie verdeutlicht dies am Symbol
des Nähens, auf das ich bereits zu Beginn eingegangen bin. Die Naht sei
Schneider zufolge nicht nur im Hinblick auf die Geschlechterproblematik zu
lesen, sondern generell als Bild für etwas, das unterschiedliche Teile zusammenbringt,
etwa Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit, aber auch die disparaten sozialen
Gruppen der algerischen Gesellschaft. Dies werde durch Rhoulems Interesse am
Nähen und seinem Streben, ein Nähwarengeschäft zu eröffnen, weiter verdeutlicht.
Damit mache Assima über die Figur der Intergeschlechtlichkeit ein „larger
political statement”:
Given that the current violence in Algeria stems in part from the
inability to bring together disparate elements of the nation (secularists,
Islamists, ethnic groups, democrats, feminists, etc.), Assima suggests a
link between Rhoulem’s desire and a desire to find a way to get
Algeria’s parts to hold together (Schneider 1998).
metaphorik.de 30/2020
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Allerdings muss auch gesagt werden, dass zur kulturellen Herkunft oder
Positionierung Rhoulems nicht viel gesagt wird: es wird nahegelegt, dass er
muslimisch sei und der Unterschicht angehört, allerdings spielt Religion im
Roman keine große Rolle. Auch über andere Figuren erfährt man diesbezüglich
nicht viel (mit Ausnahme einer Anspielung auf Madame Yvonne, auf die ich
bereits eingegangen bin). Insofern scheint das vordergründige „larger political
statement” des Romans meines Erachtens über den konkreten Kontext des
Bürgerkriegs der 1990er Jahre noch hinauszugehen. Die Gewalt beginnt schließlich
nicht erst zu diesem Zeitpunkt und insbesondere handelt es sich – wie auch
Schneider anmerkt – fast immer um sexuelle Gewalt. Damit wird auf das
problematische Geschlechterverhältnis in Algerien verwiesen und auf die
Unfähigkeit, Alternativen zum System der hegemonialen, heteronormativen
Männlichkeit zu entwickeln und nichtmännliche Subjektivitäten zuzulassen. Eine
hegemoniale Männlichkeit, die auf der Abwertung und Repression von allem
Nichtmännlichem basiert, schafft soziale Verhältnisse, die Gewalt alltäglich
werden lassen, eine Alltäglichkeit, die durch den Bürgerkrieg umso leichter ins
Extrem getrieben wird.
5. Literaturverzeichnis
Assima, Fériel (1996): Rhoulem ou le sexe des anges, Paris: arléa.
Baider, Fabienne H./Gesuato, Sara (2003): „Masculinist Metaphors, Feminist
research”, in: metaphorik.de 05/2003, 6–35.
Bouhdiba, Abdelwahab (2003): La sexualité en Islam, Paris: PUF (1. Ausg. 1975).
Butler, Judith (1991): Das Unbehagen der Geschlechter, Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp.
Butler, Judith (2001): „Doing justice to someone: Sex Reassignment and Allegories
of Transsexuality”, in: GLQ 7 (4), 621–636.
Butler, Judith (2008): „Gender is extramoral”. Interview mit Fina Birulés am
Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona (CCCB), Februar 2008,
https://genius.com/Judith-butler-gender-is-extramoral-annotated
(30.01.2020).
Connell, Raewyn (2015): Der gemachte Mann. Konstruktion und Krise von
Männlichkeiten, Wiesbaden: Springer VS (engl. Orig. 1995).
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Evans, Martin/Phillips, John (2007): Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, New
Haven/London: Yale University Press.
Fellner, Astrid/Hamscha, Susanne (2009): „Zerstückelter Körper – Zerrissenes
Geschlecht. Eine kulturelle Topographie des queeren Körpers in rezenter
US-amerikanischer Literatur”, in: Bidwell-Steiner, Marlen/Zangl, Veronika
(eds.): Körperkonstruktionen und Geschlechtermetaphern. Zum Zusammenhang
von Rhetorik und Embodiment, Innsbruck/Vienna/Bolzano: Studienverlag,
25–44.
Lakoff, George/Johnson, Mark (72011): Leben in Metaphern. Konstruktion und
Gebrauch von Sprachbildern, Heidelberg: Carl Auer Verlag (engl. Orig. 1980).
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George E. (ed.): Gay Histories and Cultures: An Encyclopedia, New
York/London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1–2.
Meuser, Michael (2009): „Hegemoniale Männlichkeit. Überlegungen zur
Leitkategorie der Men‘s Studies”, in: Aulenbacher, Brigitte et al. (ed.):
FrauenMännerGeschlechterforschung. State of the art, Münster: Westfälisches
Dampfboot, 161–171.
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Mythology, Farmington Hills: Greenhaven Press, 133.
Schmid, Bernhard (2005): Algerien. Frontstaat im globalen Krieg? Neoliberalismus,
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National Socialist metaphors in the discourse of the Alternative für Deutschland: Exploring a leaked WhatsApp chat

Hanna Bruns

University of Bonn (h.bruns@uni-bonn.de)

Abstract

The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is a German party on the right end of the political spectrum that exhibits strong xenophobic and nationalistic viewpoints. Their move into the German federal parliament in September 2017 as the third strongest party was a wake-up call about the influence that the party has on the public. The current study aims at uncovering one way that the AfD uses to position itself in the political sphere: the use of metaphors. An analysis of a leaked WhatsApp group chat between members of the party reveals that despite the party’s claims of being opposed to xenophobia and racism, members of the party make active use of metaphors that are very typical of these discourse traditions.

Die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) ist eine rechts eingestellte Partei, die einen starken ausländerfeindlichen und nationalistischen Standpunkt vertritt. Als sie im September 2017 in den Bundestag als drittstärkste Kraft eintrat, wurde der Einfluss der Partei besonders bewusst. Die aktuelle Studie hat das Ziel eine Art und Weise aufzudecken, durch die sich die AfD in der politischen Sphäre positioniert: Die Nutzung von Metaphern. Die Analyse eines veröffentlichten WhatsApp Chats, welcher von Mitgliedern der AfD geführt wurde, zeigt, dass Mitglieder der Partei Metaphern nutzen, welche sehr typisch für den rassistischen und ausländerfeindlichen Diskurs sind, obwohl die Partei sich selbst nicht in dieser Tradition darstellt.
 

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National Socialist metaphors in the discourse
of the Alternative für Deutschland: Exploring a leaked
WhatsApp chat
Hanna Bruns, University of Bonn (h.bruns@uni-bonn.de)
Abstract
The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is a German party on the right end of the political
spectrum that exhibits strong xenophobic and nationalistic viewpoints. Their move into the
German federal parliament in September 2017 as the third strongest party was a wake-up
call about the influence that the party has on the public. The current study aims at
uncovering one way that the AfD uses to position itself in the political sphere: the use of
metaphors. An analysis of a leaked WhatsApp group chat between members of the party
reveals that despite the party’s claims of being opposed to xenophobia and racism, members
of the party make active use of metaphors that are very typical of these discourse traditions.
Die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) ist eine rechts eingestellte Partei, die einen starken
ausländerfeindlichen und nationalistischen Standpunkt vertritt. Als sie im September 2017 in
den Bundestag als drittstärkste Kraft eintrat, wurde der Einfluss der Partei besonders
bewusst. Die aktuelle Studie hat das Ziel eine Art und Weise aufzudecken, durch die sich die
AfD in der politischen Sphäre positioniert: Die Nutzung von Metaphern. Die Analyse eines
veröffentlichten WhatsApp Chats, welcher von Mitgliedern der AfD geführt wurde, zeigt,
dass Mitglieder der Partei Metaphern nutzen, welche sehr typisch für den rassistischen und
ausländerfeindlichen Diskurs sind, obwohl die Partei sich selbst nicht in dieser Tradition
darstellt.
1. Introduction
Conceptual metaphors and how they are used in discourse have been studied
in several fields, for instance with regards to racist and xenophobic ideology.
Studies such as Musolff (2010), Santa Ana (1999), and Charteris-Black (2006)
have focused on representations of immigrants in the media.
Following this line of research, the current study is concerned with the use of
metaphors that are typical of xenophobic, racist, and nationalistic discourse in
a private chat group from members of the German party Alternative für
Deutschland. The party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has, over the course of
the last years, displayed xenophobic, racist, and especially Islamophobic
attitudes, while maintaining the self-representation as being not xenophobic or
racist (cf. Lewandowsky 2016: 41 and Grigat 2017: 16).
The data analysed in this study, WhatsApp chat data from a group chat of
approximately 200 members of the AfD, was leaked on a left-extremist website
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in 2017. For the purpose of this study, metaphors which are identified in the
literature as typical for xenophobic and nationalistic discourse were predefined
as categories for analysis of the chat data. The imagery that is created
through the use of these metaphors is then discussed.
In this paper, I will address the following questions: What are typical metaphors
in racist and xenophobic discourse? Do the members of the AfD use
metaphors commonly found in racist and xenophobic discourse? Do members
of the AfD use explicitly National Socialist metaphors in this context? My
hypothesis is that metaphors typical of racist, but also specifically National
Socialist, discourse that de-humanise and de-individualise immigrants and
political oppositions and that represent the AfD as saviour of the German
people can be found.
In chapter 2, I will first give a short introduction into how metaphors make use
of conceptualisations to create a specific imagery in ideologies. Next I will give
an overview over the metaphors that are typically found in racist, xenophobic
and nationalistic discourse and provide a more detailed insight into the nation
as body metaphor and its implications and the contexts in which they can
specifically be defined as following the National Socialist tradition (cf. Musolff
2012). Next, I will talk about the AfD, its agenda and its self-representation.
Chapter 3 will be dedicated to more details about the data and the process of
analysis.
In my results and discussion, Chapter 4, there will be a general overview over
the metaphors used in the chat that are commonly found in xenophobic
discourse, and then give detailed insight on how the nation as body metaphor
and its implications are used in the data. In doing so I will pay attention to
specific examples and describe how the ideological imagery is created through
these metaphors. Chapter 5 will summarise the study.
2. Theoretical Background
Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) can be positioned within the paradigm of
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), with political contexts often in focus.
Critical Metaphor Analysis is concerned with the way metaphors are used in
discourse and the effects they achieve. Metaphor is seen as “a part of human
conceptualisation and not simply a linguistic expression that occurs especially
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frequently in oratory and literature” (Chilton 2004: 51). It is therefore a feature
of normal and everyday language, not a deviation from it (cf. Pörksen 2005:
216). This cognitive approach to metaphors has its beginnings in Lakoff and
Johnson's Conceptual Metaphor Theory (cf. 2003). Their book Metaphors we live
by, first published in 1980, “became the foundation text for a new, ‘cognitively’
oriented theory of meaning” (Musolff 2012: 302). In it, Lakoff and Johnson
describe metaphor as one of “our principal vehicles for understanding” the
world (Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 159), and argue that metaphor “is understanding
and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff/Johnson 2003:
5, emphasis omitted). This is achieved by transferring (“mapping”, Musolff
2012: 302) concepts that are easily understood in clear terms (“source domain”,
Musolff 2012: 302) onto abstract ideas which we wish to understand (“target
domain”, Musolff 2012: 302; see also Lakoff/Johnson 2003: 115). Specific
semantic features of the source domain are accentuated in this process, while
others are suppressed (cf. Pörksen 2005: 217).
In CDA, “[r]acist and xenophobic discourse in particular have been
extensively analysed” (Hart 2010: 13), and also in CMA, the focus of analysis
has often been on the “investigation and exposure of racist metaphor”
(Musolff 2012: 301). The goal of these investigations is to identify and expose
“latent racist ideologies” (Hart 2010: 13) and to make people more aware of the
way language influences our perception of the society.
2.1 Common metaphors in xenophobic and nationalistic discourse
National Socialism is a radical ideology which is based on racism, xenophobia
(often with a particular focus on Anti-Semitism) and nationalism – with the
word ‘radical’ being pertinent here. While several racist and xenophobic
movements exist, these do not necessarily subscribe to the radical views which
stand in the National Socialist tradition. National Socialism as an ideology
nevertheless continues to exist today (cf. Piper 2018: 7). Especially with the
radical component of the National Socialist ideology in mind, it is therefore
important to show in how far specifically National Socialist language tradition
continues to exist today.
In any world view, metaphors play an important role. As Kövecses (2015: 60)
points out, a number of concepts influence the way people think and see the
world. This in turn then influences the metaphorical conceptualisations
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formed. Through the use of metaphors, specific features of social reality can be
highlighted, while others get suppressed or ignored. Since ideologies wish to
portray a specific picture of the world, the focus on the 'right' semantic
features is crucial. Therefore, “[i]deological patterns [...] arise when textproducers
select one set of metaphors instead of alternative ones” (Hart 2010:
127).
A central aspect of racist and xenophobic ideology, then, is the representation
of the native people as positive (cf. Charteris-Black 2006: 566), while the 'other'
is represented as a threat to the native people (cf. Charteris-Black 2006: 565).
The well-being of the native people is supposedly threatened by a perceived
enemy, who is ascribed the role of the guilty party for any social injustices (cf.
Kellershohn 1998: 24). This perceived enemy is constructed in two different
ways: the first is the foreigner, who supposedly comes to the country to
destroy it. The second is the enemy within, the disloyal citizen (“illoyale
Bürger”, Kellershohn 1998: 24), who does not follow the ideals set forth by the
racist ideology. It is through this perceived image of the nation, and thereby
the native people, that is in danger, that racism, xenophobia, and the ideal of
the ‘strong nation’ that needs to fight the enemies, is rationalised (cf.
Kellershohn 1998: 24). Making use of metaphors is a very effective way for
racists to legitimise their ideology. One of their core strategies in doing so is to
de-humanise the perceived enemies. This is achieved by several different
themes.
One of those themes is presenting immigrants as a NATURAL DISASTER which
endangers the nation, most often as “a threatening amount of water or snow in
which we may drown” (Van Dijk 2008: 179), made concrete in words such as
‘flood’, ‘waves’, or ‘flow’ of immigrants (Pörksen 2005: 237). Humans are not
represented as individuals, but rather as inanimate concepts, especially as
masses which are a threat to the nation (cf. Pörksen 2005: 237). This metaphor
is connected to another, which conceptualises the NATION AS CONTAINER. The
nation is represented here as a schema of “an interior and an exterior defined
by a boundary” (Hart 2010: 131). The boundary, in this conceptualisation, can
be penetrated from outside (cf. Charteris-Black 2006: 577), and in order to
prevent this invasion or flooding, the boundaries need to be secured. Besides
the general conceptualisation of the NATION AS CONTAINER, the nation is also
frequently represented as a SHIP (cf. Van Dijk 2008: 180) in nationalistic
Bruns: National Socialist metaphors in the discourse of the Alternative für Deutschland
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discourse. A common anti-immigration slogan is ‘the boat is full’ (“Das Boot
ist voll”; Van Dijk 2008: 180).
The same effect of presenting immigrants and oppositions of the ideology as
de-individualised threats to the native (in this case German) people can be
achieved by using the metaphorical frame of MILITARY AND WAR. A distinction
is thereby made between ‘enemies’ and ‘allies’, the two positions seen as two
fronts (Pörksen 2005: 247). In this visualisation, immigrants are often described
as invaders of the country (cf. Pörksen 2005: 248). Occasionally, enemies might
even be conceptualised directly as weapons against the native people (cf.
Pörksen 2005: 247).
The NATION AS A HOUSE metaphor is another, if not very frequently used,
metaphor found in xenophobic and National Socialist discourse. Its implications,
however, are quite wide reaching. In this conceptualisation, the German
nation is an object of concern, as it might be destroyed, for instance by fire (cf.
Pörksen 2005: 239). Furthermore, the house is often portrayed as in need of
cleaning. One wishes to clear out the dust and dirt, whereas the political
opposition, and immigrants, are conceptualised as the dirt, garbage and filth
that needs to be cleaned up (cf. Pörksen 2005: 240–241).
Commonly linked to right-wing discourse is also the metaphorical frame of
the THEATRE. Special attention in the use of this metaphor is paid to the
representation of the (political) reality as only a staging of events, behind
which another reality is hidden (cf. Pörksen 2005: 241–242). Politicians are
represented as puppets and actors, and unspecified ‘forces’ are supposedly
leading and controlling them from behind the curtain (Pörksen 2005: 242).
Another metaphorical sphere which is used in xenophobic language makes
use of the RELIGIOUS source domain. Targets are often seen as manifestations
of the 'evil', which can be conceptualised in a variety of ways (Pörksen 2005:
245). This image is seen as opposed to the ‘good’, as which the ideologists
represent themselves. The domain of religious metaphors may, however, also
refer to the use of imagery from the bible (cf. Pörksen 2005: 246).
A special focus of this paper is the NATION AS BODY metaphor and its
implications. Generally, the NATION AS BODY metaphor is also used in a variety
of contexts and does not necessarily indicate a nationalistic or xenophobic
imagery. It is used in many different cultures to refer to different concepts
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concerning politics and the state (cf. Musolff 2010: 1). However, when used in
the German context, this metaphor is stigmatised and its use problematic. It
therefore becomes relevant for the analysis of xenophobia (cf. Musolff 2010: 1).
While the other metaphors mentioned appear in a variety of xenophobic
contexts, not necessarily bound to National Socialism as such, the NATION AS
BODY metaphor (under specific circumstances) is. Especially the word
Volkskörper (people-body) is associated with the National Socialists and their
ideology (Musolff 2010: 121). The Volkskörper is the object to be concerned
about (Pörksen 2005: 224): it is an entity which is constantly threatened by, and
may decay due to, outer influences (Pörksen 2005: 224). In this imagery,
specific parts of the nation may be referred to as organs.
The implications of this metaphorical category are especially characteristic of
xenophobic discourse. These include the idea that the body may fall ill:
immigrants and other perceived enemies are represented as DISEASE or
“disease-carrying and -spreading agents, e.g. ‘parasites’” (Musolff 2012: 303).
The Volkskörper then requires therapy to heal it. Using this metaphor to refer to
the threats to the well-being of the ‘body’ gives ideologists an advantage:
Instead of laboriously having to demonstrate and back up their
claims with facts, which could be critically tested and challenged, the
speaker/writer invites the hearer/reader to access knowledge about
the undesirability of illness and the necessity for therapy by
referring to generally known illnesses and agents of disease (Musolff
2012: 303).
The DISEASES in question are most often conceptualised as ‘cancer’ and ‘ulcers’
(“Geschwüre”, Pörksen 2005: 226), but can also be other, mostly deadly, illnesses
as well as poisons (cf. Pörksen 2005: 226). Targets of this metaphor are
opinions which are perceived as destructive to the Volkskörper, as well as
specific groups of people (typically political oppositions and people on the left
end of the political spectrum, as well as immigrants). A concrete example of
this is given by Pörksen (2005) in which politicians, journalists, and judges are
denoted as metastases of ‘cancer’, ‘plague-spots’ and ‘pus blisters’ (“Krebsmetastasen”,
“Pestbeulen”, “Eiterblasen”; 228).
The proposed solution to the problems that befall the Volkskörper is the
THERAPY of it. In National Socialist discourse specifically, a person or group of
people might be represented as the therapist, who offers a solution to the
problems plaguing the body (cf. Pörksen 2005: 228). The method proposed by
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the National Socialists to keep the body healthy and to prevent its ‘death’ is
drastic:
just as it is imperative for a successful medical therapy to eliminate
all agents of disease in case of a serious illness, so any socio-political
elements of the nation that threaten its existence have to be
eliminated (Musolff 2012: 303).
Similar to the disease metaphor, the metaphorical category of ANIMALS
conceptualises the threat to the Volkskörper. It describes primarily immigrants,
but also supposed inner enemies, as parasites and scroungers (“Schmarotzer”),
people from the political left often as ticks (Pörksen 2005: 232), which are
commonly known to be distasteful and threatening. Within the metaphor,
these parasites may befall the Volkskörper and affect it negatively (Pörksen
2005: 233). Musolff (2014: 18) terms this conceptualisation of “human beings
who allegedly live at the expense of wider society” socio-parasites, however,
argues that in Nazi propaganda the concept was widened to include all sorts
of “disease-carrying organisms” (idem: 25). This imagery seemed to legitimise
the holocaust, and is still a common imagery in racist discourses, used
especially to denounce immigrants (idem: 26–27). Moreover, the immigrant
may not only be conceptualised as distasteful animal, but also as the carrier of
actual ‘bio-parasites’ (cf. Musolff 2014).
The second sub-conceptualisation of the ANIMAL metaphor is representing
perceived enemies and immigrants as animals in a similar fashion to the first,
however, makes no reference to the NATION AS BODY metaphor. Here, the
targets of the metaphor are being de-humanised by making use of the
systematic conceptual framework of the Great Chain of Being
(Lovejoy 1936) that allows racists to denigrate their respective
targets by ‘demoting’ them from humankind’s central position in the
Chain down to the ‘lower’ ranks of animals, plants, diseaseengendering
organisms or inorganic material (Musolff 2012: 302).
Political enemies are often denoted as ‘rats’ (Pörksen 2005: 232), but other
conceptualisations also exist. These often focus on either the repulsiveness or
the inferiority of the represented target.
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2.2 The Alternative für Deutschland
The Alternative für Deutschland, which is the source for the data used in this
study, is a German party that was founded in 2013 in Berlin and has had
electoral success very quickly in the state parliaments in Germany. Originally
founded as a party with primary anti-euro focus (cf. Grabow 2016: 174), the
party soon started to take up nationalist, xenophobic, and especially
Islamophobic stances (cf. Lewandowsky 2016: 41).
However, the party seems to be split in many regards, with several wings of
the party representing more or less radical points of view, which is said to be
responsible for the wide spectrum of voters that they have gained (cf.
Walther/Isemann 2019: 11). Nevertheless, what hides underneath these
different agendas, is most often a racist and nationalist programme of
exclusion (“Exklusionsprogramm”; Walther/Isemann 2019: 11).
Quite often, prevalent members of the party have proven to be radical in their
views. Frauke Petry, a former party leader, demanded the use of weapons to
stop refugees from entering the country (cf. Grabow 2016: 177), Alexander
Gauland, a party chairman for the AfD, racially “attacked German soccer
player Jérôme Boateng” (Grabow 2016: 178), and André Poggenburg,
chairman for the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt, made use of explicit National Socialist
language by describing protesting students as cancer on the German
Volkskörper (“Wucherung am deutschen Volkskörper”; Grigat 2017: 16).
Even though members of the party openly make such statements, the party
represents itself on the political continuum somewhere between “liberal” and
“conservative” (Fedders 2016: 166), while trying to emphasise the point that
they are not xenophobic or racist. One such exemplary claim can be found in a
speech for the party congress on 22 April 2017 by Jörg Meuthen (a party
chairman of the AfD) in which he said:
[…] dann bin ich für diese Leute also ein Ausländerfeind, ein Rassist
gar? Nein, meine Freunde, das bin ich ganz sicher nicht, nicht einmal
ansatzweise, das bin ich nie gewesen und werde ich aufgrund all
meiner Überzeugungen niemals sein, ebenso wenig wie irgendjemand
in diesem Saal. Ich bin nur elementar vernünftig, und ich
sehe, was hier geschieht. Und weiß meine tiefe Sorge, nicht etwa
plumpe Angst, sehr präzise zu begründen (Meuthen 2017).
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129
([…] then I am a xenophobe for these people, a racist even? No, my
friends, this I am surely not, not even a little bit, I have never been,
and based on my conviction will never be, just as everyone in this
room. I am only fundamentally reasonable and I can see what is
happening here.)
Not only does the party present itself as not xenophobic, but it sees itself as the
only party that is not corrupted by outer influences and the only voice for the
German people. It construes the other parties as political establishment which
should be fought against (cf. Lewandowsky 2016: 40). Their justification comes
from the viewpoint that the German people (and their prosperity) are being
threatened from the outside, especially through Islamic influence, and that
they are the only party trying to defend the will of the German people (cf.
Lewandowsky 2016: 40 and Fedders 2016: 165). This shows a clear nationalistic
stance.
In the 2017 parliamentary election, the AfD was able to move into the German
federal parliament as the third strongest party and have since managed to be
represented in all state parliaments as well (cf. Walther/Isemann 2019: 2).
3. Data and Analysis
In the following section, the data used in this study will be presented and the
coding scheme for the analysis will be explained. The approach used in this
paper stems from the field of CMA. Specifically, the metaphors described as
indicative of xenophobic belief systems were used as categories for the
analysis of the data.
3.1 Data
The data used in the analysis is the transcript of a WhatsApp group chat called
“AfD Info LSA” (i.e. “Alternative für Deutschland Info Land Sachsen-
Anhalt”), which dates from 04 February 2017 to 29 May 2017. The group chat
was created on 19 May 2016 by Andreas Mrosek, who was a member of the
state parliament of Saxony-Anhalt for the AfD at that time (cf. Vorndran 2017).
Approximately 200 members of the right-wing German party participated in
the chat. The chat was illegally leaked online on a left-extremist website called
“linksunten.indymedia.org” on 21 June 2017. The transcript was online until
25 August 2017, when the Federal Ministry of the Interior closed down the
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website due to its extremist messages (cf. Reisin 2017).1 Personal data, such as
names and telephone numbers of the members, were present in the chat,
which makes the use of this data for the study a sensitive matter. For these
reasons, names and telephone numbers are omitted in this paper.
The entire chat contains 8.795 messages that originally constituted a mixture of
written data, shared pictures, videos, documents, voice messages, and internet
links as well as emoticons. Due to the format of the chat transcript, media such
as spoken messages, pictures, and videos are not displayed and therefore not
accessible.
The nature of this data is especially interesting since it constitutes (relatively)
private conversations by members of the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt. However,
conversations in this group cannot be characterised as completely private,
with some members warning others about this, e.g. “[…] Das hier ist fast
öffentlich, also vorsichtiger agieren! […]” (18.02.17, 08:42:47). Nevertheless,
the members of this group share their political beliefs relatively freely without
fear of repercussions from others, which gives a unique insight into the
members’ actual beliefs instead of what they purposefully present to the
public. The chat is also quite representative of the party in Saxony-Anhalt as
active members of the group include André Poggenburg (at that time chair of
the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt and member of the state parliament of Saxony-
Anhalt) and a number of other members2 of the state parliament of Saxony-
Anhalt.
3.2 Analysis and Coding
The data was searched manually for representations of the metaphorical categories
found in the literature (cf. 2.1). The instances were marked and sorted
into the respective, predefined, categories.3 After sorting the data into cate-
1 Debates about whether the decision to close down the website was lawful have since
sparked. A decision regarding this has not been made at the time of writing.
2 Other members will not be named here, as the names have not been made public by
journalists. André Poggenburg and Andreas Mrosek, who I discuss as members here, have
been identified as belonging to the group by others (cf. Vorndran 2017).
3 One message is defined as one instance of a metaphor, even if it contains the metaphor
several times. If instances from different metaphor categories were found within one
Bruns: National Socialist metaphors in the discourse of the Alternative für Deutschland
131
gories, the instances were checked for relevance.4 Table 1 shows the different
categories of metaphorical conceptualisations and examples from the dataset.
Category Description Example5
BODY (cf.
Musolff
2010)
Metaphors representing
the German
nation/people as a body
Ich sage nur Metastasen des Geschwürs am
Volkskörper. Und immer wieder als Argument
irgend ein Artikel der AfD-feindlichen DuMont-
Presse. (18.02.17, 18:53:04)
(I’m just saying metastases of the cancer at the
people-body. And as proof, some article of the
anti-AfD press agency DuMont.)
DISEASE (cf.
Musolff
2012)
Metaphors representing
immigrants, or (other)
perceived enemies of the
AfD as diseases
Scheint ein bösartiges Geschwür am Volkskörper
zu sein, das da seine Metastasen in unsere Partei
gestreut hat... (19.02.17, 20:24:36)
(Seems to be a malignant ulcer at the peoplebody
whose metastases have spread into our
party… )
ANIMALS
(cf. Musolff
2014;
Pörksen
2005)
Metaphors representing
immigrants, or (other)
perceived enemies of the
AfD as animals, including
disease carrying agents
Die Linken beißen wieder wild um
sich.....[emoticons left out] (03.03.17, 06:49:15)
(The Left [political party] are biting at each other
wildly.....)
CONTAINER
(cf. Van
Dijk 2008)
Metaphors representing
the German
nation/people as a
container, including
metaphors that represent
the German
nation/people as a ship
[…] Wenn deutschland nicht sofort die grenzen
dicht macht und mindestens den österreichischen
weg geht, dann sehe ich hier schwarz […]
(16.04.17, 23:38:25)
(If Germany does not immediately seal up the
borders, and at least goes the same way as
Austria, then I am pessimistic [lit. seeing black])
message, the message was sorted into both categories, and is therefore represented in the
categorised dataset twice.
4 Instances were only coded when reference was made to the country Germany, the
Alternative für Deutschland (and its self-representation), the perceived enemies of the AfD
(namely other parties in Germany, the press, left-wing people, and immigrants/refugees),
the perceived allies of the AfD (e.g. the right-wing movement PEGIDA), and actions taken by
the AfD, its perceived enemies and its perceived allies. The last point includes perceived or
supposed actions which influence the AfD, such as perceived manipulators of the party AfD,
supposedly deployed by other parties. Instances were also removed from analysis when the
shared content was not originally produced originally by the sender of the message. This
includes, for instance, reproduced extracts from speeches of other people, forwarded
messages, and shared parts of news articles. Messages were furthermore excluded from
analysis whenever it could not be identified who the target of the metaphor was.
5 All examples used in this table stem from the data. Due to formatting issues, emoticons
displayed in the original transcript cannot be displayed here.
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NATURAL
DISASTER
(cf. Van
Dijk 2008)
Metaphors representing
immigrants and perceived
enemies of the AfD as
natural disasters,
especially floods
Ich fürchte nach der Bundestagswahl im
September werden uns die Politiker wieder mit
Asylanten überschwemmen. […] (07.02.17,
18:13:24)
(I fear that the politicians will flood us with
immigrants again after the parliamentary
elections in September.)
RELIGION
(cf. Pörksen
2005)
Metaphors from the
religious sphere, including
representations of
immigrants and perceived
enemies of the AfD as evil
Ich glaube der Antichrist tritt morgen um 18:30
Uhr in weiblicher Form in Magdeburg auf.
(13.03.17, 00:40:09)
(I think the antichrist is performing tomorrow at
6:30 pm in female form in Magdeburg.)
THEATRE
(cf. Pörksen
2005)
Metaphors from the
theatrical sphere,
especially the
representation of the
political sphere as staged
Vielleicht doch vom System inszeniert damit das
dumme Volk denkt eine Alternative zu haben
[emoticons left out] (01.04.17, 10:44:44)
(Maybe it is staged by the system so that the
stupid citizens think they have an alternative)
HOUSE (cf.
Pörksen
2005)
Metaphors representing
the German
nation/people as a house,
including the
representation of
immigrants and perceived
enemies of the AfD as dirt
or as possible destructionrisks
of the house
[…] Sicherlich haben innenpolitische Dinge
“Vorrang„, d. h., den eigenen Stall sollte man
sauber halten, bevor man draußen putzt. Aber
dennoch ist es wichtig, zu wissen, was links und
rechts von einem passiert. […] (18.02.17, 13:10:53)
(Surely, domestic policy issues have ”priority”,
i.e., one should clear out one’s own stable before
cleaning up outside. But it is still important to
know what is happening (to your) left and right.)
WAR (cf.
Pörksen
2005)
Metaphors from the
military sphere as well as
metaphors of war,
including the
representation of
immigrants and perceived
enemies as weapon
Daran kann man auch immer schön exemplarisch
sehen, wie diese Truppen als ad-hoc Armee
agiert. Da wird sich organisiert, vorbereitet,
ausgerüstet, ausgekundschaftet, geprobt usw.
(17.02.17, 09:29:16)
(You can see here as a nice example how these
troops operate as an ad-hoc army. They organize
themselves, prepare, equip, scout, practice, etc.)
Table 1: Coding categories with examples from the data
4. Results and Discussion
As discussed in 2.2, members of the AfD present and perceive themselves as
not xenophobic. In this chapter, I will first present further indications of this
stance that can be found in the dataset. Then, a general overview over the
different metaphorical concepts used in the chat will be given, before I go into
detail discussing the nation as body metaphor and its implications.
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133
In official speeches of the AfD, members of the party speak about the issue of
racism and represent themselves to the public as not being racist (cf. e.g.
Meuthen 2017). What is more, in the private messages in the chat, the
members of the Alternative für Deutschland also show that they perceive
themselves this way and do not only present this image as a front to the
public.
(1) Meuthen hat eine fantastische Rede gehalten und spricht uns
aus dem Herzen [emoticons left out] (22.04.17, 13:56:17)
(Meuthen has given a fantastic speech and is saying what all of
us feel)
(2) Kein Kölsch für Nazis? Ja super! Gut das wir keine sind!
(23.04.17, 19:54:27)
(No Kölsch for Nazis? Ok great! Good that we are not Nazis!)
(3) Oh man [emoticons left out] die sehen überall nur noch Nazis
krank absolut krank [emoticons left out] (27.05.17, 11:19:11)
(Oh man they see only Nazis everywhere sick absolutely sick)
(4) Das sehen nicht nur die (meisten) Leute hier so, wenn nicht
sogar alle. Die NS-Keule ist seit Jahren abgedroschen. Sie wird
nur durch die Etablierten genutzt, um “richtig tickende“
deutsche Staatsbürger zu demontieren. Sie wird genutzt um auf
uns zu lenken, damit die ihre blödsinnigen eigenen Interessen
in den Vordergrund rücken können. Ich liebe mein Land und
ich kämpfe um dieses Land, damit es unser Land bleiben kann.
[emoticons left out] (09.04.17, 21:12:37)
((Most) people here see it this way, if not all. The Naziaccusation
[lit. NS-bludgeon] has been a cliché for years. It’s
just used by the well-established ones to take down “correctly
functioning” German citizens. It is used to blame us, so that
they can put their own stupid interests into the foreground. I
love my country and I fight for this country, so that it can stay
our country.)
The first instance refers back to the speech for the party congress made by Jörg
Meuthen (Meuthen 2017, cf. 2.2) in which he claims to not be a racist. He also
identifies ‘everyone in this room’ (“irgendjemand in diesem Saal”, Meuthen
2017), meaning members of the party AfD as not racist. Members of the chatgroup
clearly side with his statement and justify their self-image as not
xenophobic by claiming that everyone who refers to them as Nazis is wrong.
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They are arguing that people are trying to ‘take down ‘correctly functioning’
German citizens’ (“‘richtig tickende’ deutsche Staatsbürger zu demontieren”,
09.04.17, 21:12:37). The fact that these messages were posted in a private group
chat, in which they do not have to fear repercussions for their opinions, shows
that AfD members do not only try to present themselves as not racist, but they
actually believe that they are not. In the following sections, their use of
metaphors which stand in the National Socialist tradition as well as others
commonly used racist metaphors will be discussed.
All categories presented in the literature as typical of National Socialist and
broader racist and xenophobic discourse existed also in the discourse between
AfD members in this chat. Figure 1 gives a general overview over the
frequency of metaphors across the whole data set.
Fig. 1: Frequency of metaphors found in the chat, in total numbers
The metaphorical domain of WAR AND MILITARY is the category used most
often in the chat. The use of this category here is very varied, as the following
examples show:
(5) Nun heißt es Ruhe in der Truppe halten und den Kampf auf die
externen politischen Gegner fokussieren. […] (07.05.17, 19:33:06)
(Now we need to keep the troops calm and focus the fight on
the external political enemies.)
(6) […] Nur zusammen sind wir stark und ein kleines Bollwerk
gegen die, die uns kaputt machen (wollen und sollen). (24.02.17,
22:04:30)
(We are only strong together and a small bastion against those
who (want to and must) destroy us.)
116
39
36
30
28
11
10
10
9
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140
War
House
Animals
Natural Disaster
Container
Religion
Theatre
Disease
Body
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Political oppositions as well as left-wing people are represented as ‘enemies’,
and the political actions taken by the AfD as a ‘fight’. The party itself is often
represented as ‘troops’. In one instance, the party is conceptualised as a
‘bastion’ against the enemies attacking the German nation.
The common imagery of the immigrant as invader of the country is also
present in this dataset. This, as well as other terms from the WAR metaphor
used here (e.g. representing immigrants as hordes) achieve the effect of deindividualisation
which is a well known xenophobic theme:
(7) Ich bin gerade in Nürnberg am Hauptbahnhof und komme mir
fremd im eigenen Land vor, über all nur Invasoren aus Afrika
oder aus arabischen Ländern (28.02.17, 16:21:08)
(I am at the main station in Nuremberg and feel like a foreigner
in my own country, there are only invaders from Africa or from
Arabic countries everywhere)
(8) Aber Horden von ausländischen Kulturbereicherern, die unsere
Frauen angrabschen und anpöbeln, dürfen natürlich kriminell
durch die Straßen ziehen! (25.05.17, 22:56:05)
(But hordes of foreign cultural enrichers who grope and accost
our women are of course allowed to wander criminally through
the streets!)
Another striking example of the war metaphor used against immigrants is the
conceptualisation of the immigration process as weapon used against the wellbeing
of the German nation and people. The exact impact and threat that is
posed by this weapon is not outlined:
(9) Stichwort: Migration als Waffe (09.02.17, 13:58:16)
(Keyword: Migration as weapon)
The metaphor used second most often is that of the NATION AS HOUSE and its
implications. Even though there is no direct and explicit imagery of the nation
as house in the data, the nation is described as being ‘ramshackle’, and
reference is made to the threatened destruction by fire while political figures
are labelled ‘arsonists’.
(10) Die Grünen müssten bei einem reibungslosen Funktionieren
unseres Systems schon lange der Überwachung durch den VS
[Verfassungsschutz] unterliegen. Das dem nicht so ist, zeigt
einmal mehr den maroden Zustand unseres Staates. […]
(05.04.17, 12:06:28)
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(If the system was working smoothly, the Greens [political
party] would have long been put under the surveillance of the
office for the protection of the constitution. That this isn’t so
shows the ramshackle condition of our state.)
(11) Die geistigen Brandstifter dieser politisch motivierten Gewalt
heißen Stegner, Schulz, Maas &Co. (02.03.17, 07:47:43)
(The mental arsonists of this politically motivated violence are
called Stegner, Schulz, Maas & Co.)
Another implication of the HOUSE metaphor is the need to clean the house. In
this implication, the opposition of the party is described as ‘dirt’ which needs
to be disposed of and cleaned up.
(12) Danke an die Spender und unsere Polizei . [emoticons left out]
Der schäbige Rest in die Tonne [emoticons left out] (23.04.17,
16:55:51)
(Thanks to the donors and our police. The shabby rest of them
can go in the trash can.)
Representations of the NATION AS A CONTAINER can also be found in the chat.
Members of the chat talk about the need to ‘seal up’ the borders. Even more
often can the direct conceptualisation of the NATION AS A (sinking) SHIP be
found, in which the Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel is conceptualised as the
captain of the ship. Moreover, the very explicit anti-immigrant phrase “Das
Boot ist voll” (cf. Van Dijk 2008: 180) can also be found in the data:
(13) […] Wieder ein gutes Beispiel dafür, warum das Mittelmeer
dicht gemacht werden und aufgegriffene Flüchtlinge sofort
zurückgeschickt werden müssen. […] (17.03.17, 12:05:19)
(Another good example of why the Mediterranean Sea must be
sealed off and why the refugees that were collected must be
sent back right away.)
(14) Man kann es eigentlich nicht mehr sehen und auch ertragen...!
Hoffentlich hat es bald eine Ende mit diesen Narrenschiff und
dieser Kapitänsfrau.... (12.02.17, 13:12:20)
(One can’t really look at it or bear it anymore…! Hopefully it
will soon be over with this ship of fools and this captainwoman….)
(15) Noch dazu in einem Boot was voll ist. Wir haben alle dasselbe
Ziel. (03.05.17, 08:31:10)
(And that in a boat that is full. We all have the same goal.)
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Furthermore, the NATURAL DISASTER category, which interacts with the NATION
AS CONTAINER metaphor, is quite widely used and consists of several different
types of conceptualisations, such as floods and storms. Immigrants are hereby
portrayed as a ‘flood’ or as ‘waves’ because of which the country may drown.
The political and immigration situation is describes as ‘chaos’ and
‘catastrophe’. Moreover, the metaphor stands in direct connection to the SHIP
metaphor, as the floods are perceived to be the cause of the ship sinking.
(16) Diese Menschen sind wie Wasser-das findet auch immer seinen
Weg. Und wenn man den nicht schnell genug dicht macht,
dann heißt es schnell Land unter! (17.02.17, 09:36:03)
(These people are like water – it always finds a way. And if we
don't close it up quick enough, then we will soon be under
water [lit. land under]!)
(17) Genau diese bevorstehenden Flüchtlingswellen müssen wir bei
den Stammtischen thematisieren. [...] (17.02.17, 10:13:06)
(Exactly these oncoming refugee-waves must be topicalised at
the regulars’ table.)
(18) […] Aber ebend nicht als FDP oder CDU 2.0 und auch nicht mit
so einer CDU in Koalition, die unserem Land katastrophale
Zustände mit Mord und Totschlag importiert hat. (11.05.17,
18:27:24)
(But not as FDP or CDU 2.0 and also not with such a CDU in
coalition, which has imported catastrophic conditions with
blood and thunder [lit. murder and manslaughter] into our
country.)
In the THEATRICALLY themed metaphors used in the chat, elections are
presented as ‘staged’ (cf. 01.04.17, 10:44:44; Table 1), politicians are portrayed
as ‘actors’, and the press is supposedly controlled and ‘led’ by others. The
objective of the AfD is to expose the truth behind the charade.
(19) Die Politikdarsteller der Kartellparteien gehören zu den
aktuellen Lebensrisiken des deutschen Volkes. […] (24.05.17,
07:12:50)
(The political actors of the “cartel-parties” are one of the
current life-risks of the German people.)
(20) […] dass sich einige antifaschistische Gruppierungen und
linksgesteuerte Medien in den Schatten gestellt fühlen müssen
[…] (24.03.17, 08:22:16)
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(Some antifascist groups and left-controlled media must have
felt overshadowed.)
(21) Klasse [Name] , gut gemacht . Die Maske vom Gesicht reißen
[emoticon left out] (08.02.17, 17:20:06)
(Great [name], well done. Rip the mask off the face.)
The RELIGIOUS metaphors used in the chat are applied rather broadly. Most
prominent in this category is the conceptualisation of enemies as evil
creatures, such as ‘antichrist’ to describe Anetta Kahane6 (cf. 13.03.17, 00:40:09;
Table 1), ‘witches’ to refer to members of other parties, and ‘vampire’ to
denote Angela Merkel (cf. Example 23). Moreover, the members compare
themselves to David in his fight against Goliath, clearly taking up themes from
the bible.
(22) […] Die Einzigen , welche hier profitieren sind die
links/rot/grün/gelb/schwarzen7 Hexen , welche sich vor Freude
kaum einkriegen . (11.04.17, 00:40:58)
(The only ones who profit here are the
left/red/green/yellow/black witches who cannot contain their
happiness.)
(23) Oh gott [emoticon left out] Man bringe mir Silber und
Knoblauch [emoticon left out] (04.03.17, 10:36:06)
(Oh God, bring me silver and garlic.)
(24) […] Außerdem ist das durch die Erfahrung der Berufspolitiker,
die Teilweise 30 und mehr Jahre Politikerfahrung besitzen und
20x so viele Mitglieder, ein ganz anderen Goliat. […] (01.03.17,
13:10:30)
(And, because of the know-how of the professional politicians,
of which many have 30 or more years of professional
experience and 20x as many members, they are a completely
different Goliath.)
The metaphors represented above show a general tendency towards
xenophobic and nationalistic discourse within the chat. While these metaphors
are commonly used by groups with these ideologies, they do not necessarily
6 Anetta Kahane is a German journalist and activist against right-wing extremism, racism
and anti-Semitism.
7 Political parties are often represented by colours: red=SPD, green=Bündnis90/Die
Grünen, yellow=FDP, black=CDU.
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represent a National Socialist stance. For this, we will now turn to the NATION
AS BODY metaphor.
4.1 The NATION AS BODY Metaphor
In the following subsections, a more detailed overview over the NATION AS
BODY metaphor and its implications of DISEASES and ANIMALS will be given. As
discussed in 2.1, the NATION AS BODY metaphor can be used in several contexts
that do not necessarily imply a xenophobic ideology. Such instances can also
be found in the data:
(25) […] Der hat auch mehrfach Informationen an die lokale Presse
gegeben, nur um seinen ungewuenschten Vorstand zu
denunzieren. Alles auf dem Ruecken der Partei, der Waehler
und der Buerger. (27.04.17, 14:10:24)
(He also gave information to the press several times, only to
denounce the unwanted board. All on the backs of the party,
the voters, and the people.)
However, Kellershohn (1998) identifies the equation of the people with the
nation to a homogeneous entity as one of the ‘core ideologemes’
(“Kernideologeme”; 1998: 23) of National Socialism. In example 25, specific
people are being portrayed as not belonging to the NATION/BODY. The body in
this particular message consists of German citizens and the party AfD, which
excludes the government from this definition. The metaphor therefore refers in
this case to the German citizens, in the sense of a Volkskörper, rather than the
government and state, which would commonly be the case in other, not
xenophobic, contexts (cf. Musolff 2010).
While the use of the NATION (or in this case people) AS BODY metaphor is not
directly indicative of a National Socialist tradition, the use of the word
Volkskörper is. This term can also be found in the data:
(26) Medizinisch kann man folgende Diagnose in den Raum stellen:
Das Geschwür am Volkskörper streut bereits seine Metastasen
in das Organ AfD (18.02.17, 15:03:48)
(Medically, we can make the following diagnosis: The cancer at
the “people-body” is already spreading its metastases to the
AfD organ.)
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This is one of three instances in which the specific term Volkskörper is used in
the chat. Moreover, in this particular instance, the ’Organ AfD’ is mentioned,
which positions the party directly as vital part of the body of the German
people. This is in line with its self-representation as being a part and the voice
of the German people (cf. 2.2).
The direct use of this overtly National Socialist term is indicative of the fact
that (at least some members of) the AfD support a National Socialist stance.
Although the open use of this term by André Poggenburg in a speech (cf. 2.2)
is (partially) criticised as being provocative (cf. example 27), members of the
same group continue to use the term, being fully aware that it is a National
Socialist term, as can be seen in example 28.
(27) Wahlkampf lebt von provokanten und überspitzten Aussagen.
Wichtig ist, denen aber konkrete Lösungswege folgen zu lassen.
André's „Volkskörper“ war provokant, seine Forderung, die
Finanzierung der Linksextremisten mit staatlichen Geldern
einzustellen der Lösungsvorschlag. (18.02.17, 12:27:11)
(The election campaign is living from provocative and
exaggerated statements. It is just important to follow those up
with concrete solutions. André’s “Volkskörper” was
provocative, his demand to shut down the funding of left
extremists with money from the government is the solution.)
(28) Achtet mal innerhalb des Artikels auf folgende Passage...
[…] „Am 3. Februar hatte Poggenburg dort Linksextremisten
als „Wucherungen am deutschen Volkskörper“ bezeichnet, die
es loszuwerden gelte. Solche Vokabeln gehörten unzweideutig
zur Sprache der völkischen Bewegung. Sie gehörten allerdings
auch zur Sprache der Nationalsozialisten. […] (15.02.17,
15:04:01)
(Pay attention to this passage from the article…
“On 3 February, Poggenburg had described left extremists as
“growth at the German Volkskörper [people-body]”, who should
be removed. Such vocabulary unequivocally belongs to the
language of the völkisch movement. It also belongs to the
language of the National Socialists.)
This awareness and the continued use of the word (as well as the fact that
André Poggenburg’s use of the term was not denounced but merely declared
‘provocative’) shows that members do not reject the idea of following National
Socialist language tradition. While not everyone uses this term, no one in the
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group speaks up against it either. What is more, each time the Volkskörper is
mentioned, it is directly linked to the concept of an ulcer/growth
(“Geschwür”). This suggests that the metaphor is used only in the specific
context of a perceived threat. This implication of the NATION AS BODY
metaphor will be discussed in the next section.
4.2 The DISEASE Metaphor
The majority of the messages in which a DISEASE is conceptualised contain the
portrayal of some form of cancer of ulcer. Within xenophobic discourse, this
imagery is used most often to describe the perceived enemies (cf. 2.1). It is also
found most often compared to other disease metaphors in the data.
(29) Medizinisch kann man folgende Diagnose in den Raum stellen:
Das Geschwür am Volkskörper streut bereits seine Metastasen
in das Organ AfD (18.02.17, 15:03:48)
(Medically speaking, we can make the following diagnosis: The
cancer at the “people-body” is already spreading its metastases
to the AfD organ.)
(30) Und dieses Geschwür müsste operativ entfernt werden
(18.02.17, 15:05:51)
Chemotherapie? (18.02.17, 15:06:06)
Von Chemo halte ich nichts (18.02.17, 15:07:17)
(And this cancer should be removed with an operation
Chemotherapy?
I think nothing of chemo)
The ‘cancer’ in this case is representative of some members of the party who
caused turmoil in the party. It is included in this analysis, because they are
suspected of being ‘planted’ into the party by the ‘enemy’. Particularly
interesting is the explicit use of the ‘medical diagnosis’ in example 29, which
shows an awareness of the metaphor that is being introduced into the
discourse here. Moreover, the discourse is being driven forward by another
group member, who proposes the ‘removal with an operation’ of the ulcer,
taking up another implication of the metaphor: the need for medical therapy.
Another member then suggests ‘chemotherapy’, which is commonly used to
treat cancer in the field of medicine. This idea, however, is shut down by the
same member who suggested the ‘removal with an operation’, by saying that
he disapproves of this method in favour of the more radical approach. It is a
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common theme in National Socialist discourse to be very radical in the
‘removal of the cancer’. While one member of the chat group suggests a
(seemingly) more gentle method of ridding the Volkskörper of the ulcer, this
idea is not welcomed by the other, who keeps in line with the National
Socialist tradition. The concept of the ulcer is, however, also used in other
instances. In example 31, the ‘growth’ explicitly refers to the left-extremist
group Antifa, not merely an unspecified enemy:
(31) […] Der linken Wucherung fehlt es nämlich an Hirn. Das geht
LINKS rein und rechts wieder raus. Weil nix dazwischen ist
[emoticons left out] (28.02.17, 20:41:28)
(The left growth is missing brain. It goes in from the LEFT and
back out the right. Because there is nothing in between.)
Other themes that keep in line with the common use of the DISEASE metaphor
can also be found in the chat data. Example 32 represents a different
conceptualisation of a substance affecting the ‘health’ of the NATION/BODY.
(32) […] Was für uns ALLE tödlich ist, sind die durch die Presse
teils verdrehten und gegenteilig behaupteten Tatsachen und
Aussagen. Das ist das Gift. [...] (03.04.17, 11:38:37)
(What is deadly for ALL of us are the facts and statements that
have been partially twisted and turned around by the press.
That is the poison.)
This message refers to statements by the press, which, according to the writer
of the message, are twisted, and deadly for ‘all of us’. By ‘all of us’ the sender
refers to the party AfD. Pörksen (2005: 226) identifies the usage of ‘poisonous
substances’ in xenophobic language. It is used to refer to opposed opinions or,
sometimes even people who are considered a threat. In this case the use of this
metaphorical poison is drastic, as it describes the press statements as being
‘deadly’. Another, less specific, use of the DISEASE metaphor refers to
politicians of the other parties:
(33) Die Politikdarsteller der Kartellparteien gehören zu den
aktuellen Lebensrisiken des deutschen Volkes. Dieses Risiko zu
mindern und auszuschalten ist das oberste Ziel unserer
politischen Arbeit. (24.05.17, 07:12:50)
(The political actors of the cartel-parties are one of the current
life-risks of the German people. Minimizing and eliminating
this risk is the ultimate objective of our political work.)
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This instance actually shows that metaphors from several fields may be
combined to create one picture: politicians from other parties are presented as
‘actors’, a THEATRICALLY themed metaphor. Through the use of the term
‘cartel-parties’ the other parties are also presented as criminals, another
common theme in this dataset. Making use of the DISEASE metaphor, the
politicians are presented here as being one of the current ‘life-risks’ of the
German people. In this case, no direct mention of a NATION AS BODY or any
explicit description of a disease is made. Although the metaphor is not as
overtly implemented as in other instances, it is still very direct and radical in
its content: politicians from other parties are represented as threatening the life
of the German people and therefore the nation. What is more, the sender of the
message continues to present the AfD as the THERAPEUTIC solution for the
problem, indicating that they are striving to ‘minimize and eliminate the risk’
that is posed by the others. This conceptualisation clearly shows a connection
to past themes found in the National Socialist context of self-representation as
therapists and healers of the Volkskörper, who are seen as the only solution to
the perceived problems. The party hereby portrays itself to be the only group
caring for the ill body that is plagued by the threats posed by other parties and
immigrants.
4.3 The ANIMAL Metaphor
In this subsection, I will consider the metaphorical source domain of ANIMALS
and how it is applied to its targets. First, the metaphor as part of the
implications of the NATION AS BODY metaphor will be discussed:
(34) Ich kenne eine Familie in der Nachbarschaft, da ist eine
alleinerziehenden Mutter. Ihr Junge ist 8 Jahre und geht in die
2. Klasse. Er sagte mir, das er noch nie im Urlaub war. Es ist
beschämend, wenn man diese Schmarotzer hier so sieht…
(06.02.17, 16:02:11)
(I know a family in my neighbourhood, there's a single mother.
Her boy is 8 years old and is in 2nd grade. He told me that he
has never been on holidays. It is disgraceful, when you see
these parasites here...)
Example 34 shows the only case in the dataset in which the ANIMAL metaphor
in the first sense is used to describe immigrants. Still, it presents a common
theme within the use of this metaphor. The word ‘Schmarotzer’ is often used
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to refer to immigrants who are perceived to be what Musolff (2014: 18) terms
socio-parasites: people living on the expense of the native German people. The
scrounger is represented as inflicting problems onto the German people,
which is made very explicit in this example. The sender of the messages tells
the story of a family which he personally knows and who have never been
able to afford to go on holidays. By telling the story, he8 picks an individual
example of a family to communicate and obtain compassion with the family.
He contrasts this individualised family with the immigrants, which he simply
denotes as ’these parasites’, de-humanising as well as de-individualising the
group as a whole. While he is inciting compassion with the one, he is
antagonising the other. More than that, he directly relates the two instances to
each other. It suggests a connection between the ’scroungers’, who live off the
money of the German people, and the poverty of the German family that he
describes. Other instances of this implication of the NATION AS BODY metaphor
become apparent in describing left-wing people.
(35) Das Wort „zeckenkärcher“ gefällt mir [emoticons left out]
„Islamische Dusche“ wäre auch nicht schlecht gewesen... Egal
wofür man den Wawe benutzt, er macht sauber mit max. 9 Bar
läuft einem das Wasser eiskalt den Rücken runter. [emoticon
left out] (16.04.17, 12:56:09)
(I like the word “high-pressure tick cleaner”. “Islamic shower”
would have been nice as well… No matter what you use the
water gun for, it cleans up with max. 9 bar the water runs down
your back ice-cold.)
(36) Ich würde sagen Farbe und dann könnte man lange sehen wer
ne Zecke ist (16.04.17, 13:27:55)
Das war damals schon als wir im “Wawe 4“ CN-Reizstoff
untergemischt hatten. Der Mop wurde plötzlich so lebhaft...
Aber mit dieser neuen Zeckendusche...interessant… [emoticon
left out] (16.04.17, 13:40:43)
(I would say colour and then we can see for a long time who is
a tick.
It was like this already when we mixed CN-irritant
[chloroacetophenone] into the “water gun 4”. The mob
8 The male pronoun ‘he’ is used in this instance, as the sender of the message was referred
to with a male name in a reply to his messages.
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suddenly got so feisty… But with this new tick-shower…
interesting…)
This part can only be fully understood within context: the word Zeckenkärcher
refers to a water cannon vehicle, which is used against rioters by the police.
The first part of this word, Zecken refers to the left-wing rioters – ‘ticks’.
Kärcher signifies cleaning devices by a specific brand, most often high pressure
cleaners and water blasters. This word therefore combines several
metaphorical conceptualisations: through the word Kärcher, the image of the
streets being cleaned is portrayed. What is more: the streets are being cleaned
of ticks, which are, as ‘bio-parasites’, regarded as particularly unpleasant
insects that suck the blood out of people and are carriers of diseases. This
imagery of ticks is transferred onto left-wing rioters. This construction
therefore invokes both the metaphorical fields of cleaning the HOUSE and
ANIMALS that carry diseases which might harm the PEOPLE-BODY.
The second sub-conceptualisation of the ANIMAL metaphor conceptualises
perceived enemies as animals, keeping in line with right-extremist language.
(37) Sowas trauen die sich nur in der Nacht. Links, sagt es ja schon .
Link und feige [emoticon left out] Abends kommen die Ratten
aus den Löschern (07.05.17, 10:12:55)
(They only dare to do this at night. Left, that already says
everything. Deceitful [“link” in German is similar to “links”,
meaning “left”] and cowardly. At night the rats come out of
their holes.)
Using the term rats to refer to people on the left side of the political spectrum
denounces them as being dirty and disgusting. Rats are also commonly known
to be carriers of disease, which also creates a link to the NATION AS BODY
metaphor. The theme is here further embedded into the discourse by referring
to them as ‘coming out of their holes’, a phrase which is used in another
instance to refer to immigrants:
(38) Ne xD Jetzt kommen sie langsam auf ihren Löchern (23.02.17,
19:42:25)
(No xD Now they are slowly coming out of their holes.)
Although no direct reference to rats is made here, using the same image of
‘coming out of their holes’ implies a connection to the imagery of the
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immigrants as dirty animals living in the ground. In a different instance,
immigrants are also portrayed as ‘rabid’ animals:
(39) Das sind tollwütige Tiere , gesunde tun so etwas nicht
[emoticons left out] (05.04.17, 09:27:54)
They are rabid animals, healthy ones don’t do something like
that.
This specific instance refers generally to immigrants who are said to have
murdered other people. The representation here is twofold: the immigrants
are not only de-humanised by denouncing them as animals, but also portrayed
as carrying a very dangerous and specifically very infectious disease. Other
conceptualisations include, for instance, the conceptualisation of the party Die
Linken as ‘biting at each other wildly’ (03.03.17, 06:49:15, cf. Table 1).
A different tone is struck in the representation of the AfD or the German
people as animals. Some messages in the chat imply that other parties, or other
perceived enemies, try to denounce members of the AfD or the German people
as animals. The metaphor is here used as a representation of the opinions that
perceived enemies supposedly have of the target-group. In these instances, the
members of the group clearly show their discontent with being compared to
animals:
(40) […] Die Pressepfeifen halten uns ein Stöckchen hin und die
halbe Partei springt drüber. […] (30.03.17, 21:02:27)
(The press-whistlers dangle a stick in front of us and half the
party jumps over it [idiom. “jumping through hoops”].)
(41) […] Und dann räumt die deutsche “Köterrasse diesen
“Flüchtlingen“ noch den Dreck weg. Eine Schande !!!! (11.04.17,
22:25:39)
(And then the German mutt-race cleans up after these
“refugees“. A disgrace!!!!)
(42) Hochnotpeinlich! Mit dem Nasenring werden wir durch die
Manage geführt! (16.05.17, 08:34:18)
(Extremely embarrassing! We are being led through the circus
ring by the nose-ring.)
By using metaphors in these contexts, and overtly judging the ANIMAL
metaphor as negative imagery, members of the group exhibit sensitivity
towards the nature of the metaphor, the way it is used, and the effect it
Bruns: National Socialist metaphors in the discourse of the Alternative für Deutschland
147
achieves. The metaphor is consciously used to show how others supposedly
de-humanise the party and the German people. This indicates that the group
members are also aware of the same effect when they use the metaphor to
refer to immigrants and the political opposition. The fact that the metaphor is
used regardless of this awareness indicates that members of the group try to
explicitly denigrate immigrants and political opposition.
5. Conclusion
In this study, a WhatsApp chat between members of the party Alternative für
Deutschland was analysed in terms of metaphors typical of xenophobic and,
what is more, National Socialist discourse. The categories for analysis were
pre-defined by several researchers and used as basis for this study. The data
was then discussed in light of these categories of metaphors.
Addressing the research question of whether these metaphors could be found
in the data and how explicit they were, the following results were presented:
All explicitly xenophobic and nationalistic metaphors that were discussed in
the literature were also found in the data. Most of the instances were very
explicit in their imagery and in conceptualising immigrants and political
oppositions as enemies or threats. The effect achieved by the metaphors was to
de-humanise and de-individualise the target groups. The German people and
the AfD were portrayed as victims who are trying to defend themselves
against the threat posed from the outside and the enemy within.
In a more detailed discussion of the NATION AS BODY metaphor and its
implications, strong indications of National Socialist language tradition were
presented and discussed in light of individual examples. It was shown that the
explicitly National Socialist term Volkskörper was used, and that immigrants
and left-wing people were conceptualised as DISEASES that risk the well-being
of the NATION/BODY. Moreover, the AfD presented itself as the only solution to
healing the people-body, again following specifically National Socialist
discourse tradition. Furthermore, both groups were also represented as
ANIMALS in two senses: firstly as parasites who directly affect the
NATION/BODY, and secondly as other animals, that may, or may not, be
carriers of disease that can harm the NATION/BODY. Therefore, the selfrepresentation
of the AfD as not xenophobic cannot be supported. The use of
these definitively racist, xenophobic and in some cases explicitly National
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Socialist metaphors demonstrates the ideology that informs the agenda of the
AfD.
The results from the analysis support the hypotheses that typical xenophobic
and nationalistic metaphors are used in AfD discourse in order to
conceptualise immigrants and political oppositions of the AfD as a threat to
the German people. The AfD positions itself as saviour of the people and
represents others as evil.
Especially with regards to the quick success the party has established over the
past years, exposing the AfD as xenophobic and nationalistic is an important
task. Since the objectives of a party are represented not only in what they say,
but also how they say it (Lewandowsky 2016: 42), raising awareness for the
rhetoric used by the AfD is of extreme importance.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Andreas Musolff for his valuable comments
and suggestions on this paper.